
Jnivtrfiity of Texas Bul?etin 

X ). ITO.r- J nuary 20, 1017 



Span' I and P- - . _:; cifry in the Gulf Region 
of tne Unitpd States, i o7 S-l 702 
he Beginnings of Texas and Pensacola 

By 






KUV/AKD DUNN 

■ '-vy ;n fhy University of Texas?; 
. , 'oh /bia University 



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Sttbnutted m Taitxal Fulfillinent of the R«<juireinen<s f>.; <i. 
of Doctor ol" i^hilosopiiv in the Faculty of PoUtlcul * =- 
Coluinbii UniversiVy 



STUDIES IX Hi«^TOIU NO, 1 



PuT)liBii,;d by ihft rri'versit.y six times a nonth and eutrrea a? 
Bioond-^ ;:tc> matter at the postoffice at 
AUSTIN, T^XAS 



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Class. 



F^AC^ 



B -Tigj^^g. 



PHESKNTEU BY 



B65-317-lm 



University of Texas Bulletin 

No. 1705: January 20, 1917 



Spanish and French Rivalry in the Gulf Region 
of the United States, 1678-1702 

The Beginnings of Texas and Pensacola 

By 

WILLIAM EDWARD pUNN 

Instructor in Latin >Tnerican History in the University of Texas; 

Sometime Fellow in History, Columbia University 




Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree 

of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Political Science, 

Columbia University 



STUDIES IN HISTORY NO. 1 



Published by the University six times a month and entered as 

second-class matter at the postofBce at 

AUSTIN, TEXAS 



C"i(1j 






The benefits of education and of 
useful knowledge, generally diffused 
through a community, are essential 
to the preservation of a free govern- 
ment. 

Sam Houston. 



Cultivated mind is the guardian 
genius of democracy. . . . It is 
the only dictator that freemen ac- 
knowledge and the only security that 
freemen desire. 

President IMirabeau B. L/amar. 



.ivorflivA 

.: t91? 



CONTENTS 

Page 

Preface 5 

Chapter 

I. Early Phases. 1678-168r) 8 

II. La Salle 's Colony, 1685-1686 31 

III. Spanish Diplomacy in England, 1686 48 

IV. The Spanish Search for La Salle's Colony, 1686- 

1687 : 59 

V. The Outcome of the Search, 1687-1689 81 

VI. The First Defensive Move of Spain : The Founding 
of IMissions among the "Texas" Indians, 1689- 

1694 110 

VII. The Second Defensive Move of Spain: The Occu- 
pation of Pensacola Bay, 1689-1698 146 

VIII. The French Colonization of Louisiana, and the I)n- 

potence of Spain, 1698-1702 185 

Bibliography 217 

Index 229 

List of Maps 

Jordan's map of French settlements in Santo Domingo, 

1691 11 

La Salle's camp on ]\Iatagorda Bay, 1686 33 

Echagaray's map of North America, 1686 44 

The Sigiienza map of Pensacola Bay, 1693 Opposite 160 

Sketch illustrating the Pez-Sigiienza exploration of the 

mouth of the i\Iississippi River, 1693 163 



Spaui.'ilt and French Fivalrij in Gulf Region 



SPANISH AND FRENCH RIVALRY IN THE GULF RE- 
GION OF THE UNITED STATES, 1678-1702. 

Preface 

The history of the colonial relations of Spain and France within 
the region of the United States may be conveniently divided into 
three main periods. The first period includes those events which 
are connected with the premature clash between the two nations 
as a result of the attempted founding of a Huguenot colony in 
Florida in the latter half of the sixteenth century. This con- 
flict grew out of the action taken by a persecuted religious sect 
among the French people, and does not therefore constitute the 
true beginnings of formal state rivalry. The second period com- 
prises those years during which the French monarchy itself first 
manifested its determination to contest with Spain the posses- 
sion of the Gulf region and the lower Mississippi Valley. It 
may be said to have begun in the early years of the reign of 
Louis XIV, and to have been brought to a close with the definite 
and permanent establishment of French settlements in Louisiami 
by 1702. The third period covers the relations of Spain anci 
France as colonial neighbors, until the French were compelled 
to abandon their ambitions for a colonial empire in America. The 
romantic incidents of the first conflict in Florida have been told 
in fullest detail. No attempt has hitherto been made, however, 
to present a systematic and connected account of the later and 
more important rivalry of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- 
turies. It is the purpose of the present monograph to provide 
the first portion of such an account by covering the events of the 
second period mentioned above, when France was endeavoring to 
secure a foothold on the mainland of the Gulf of Mexico. The 
writer hopes, however, within the near future to publish the 
remainder of the study in its complete form. 

In the preparation of this monograph, it has been realized that 
the general facts of French colonization in the United States 
have been set forth time and again by a great number of writers. 
No effort has therefore been made to repeat these familiar facts, 



6 University of Texas Bulletin 

except where brief summaries have seemed indispensable for a 
proper understanding of the topics under discussion. Instead, 
emphasis has been laid upon the Spanish side of the subject. The 
utilization of a large mass of new documentary material from 
the archives of Spain has made it possible for this neglected 
view to be developed for the first time. Many unknown but 
important phases of Spanish activities in the Gulf region of the 
United States have been brought out, and new light thrown 
upon various movements which were fairly well known, but 
chiefly as isolated episodes. Specific references might be given 
to explain this two-fold contribution. The first class includes 
such topics as the colonization projects of Martin de Eehagaray 
in Florida ; the disclosure of the secret of La Salle's Texas colony, 
and the impression produced in Spain and Mexico ; the Spanish 
search for La Salle's colony, resulting in the practical r<Hlis- 
eovery of the coast-line of the Gulf of MIexico ; Spanish diplomacy 
in England, as a foil to French encroachments in America; and 
the detailed history of the movement leading to the founding of 
Pensacola. All of these topics have been practically entirely un- 
known. In the second class, may be mentioned such matters as 
the Penalosa episode, the first occupation of Texas, and the at- 
titude of Spain toward the French colonization of Louisiana. 
These last named topics, as well as many other minor ones which 
have been partially known, take on n-ew significance when 
brought together in a connected narrative, and studied in the 
light of new material and from the point of view here developed. 
In short, it is believed that the present study will clear up 
the gap which has hitherto existed in the history of the Gulf 
region of the United States during the latter part of the seven- 
teenth century, and that it will show to an extent never before 
realized that the keynote to Spanish activities in this region must 
be sought almost wholly in the fears entertained by Spain in 
'regard to French encroachments. 

This monograph may be considered as the first fruits of an 
extended investigation carried on by the writer for the Uni- 
versity of Texas and the Library of Congress in the Archivo 
General de Indias at Seville, Spain, since the summer of 1914. 
During a residence of sixteen months in that city, the writer ex- 



Spanish and ^French Rivalry in Gulf Region 7 

amineJ approximately one thousand bundles {Icgajos) of docu- 
ments covering all phases of Spanish activities within the United 
States during the period from about 1675 to 1821. The contents 
of each legajo were fully noted, and the more important docu- 
ments bearing upon the history of the United States were copied 
entire. Up to the present time, more than seventeen thousand 
pages of transcripts have been secured of such material, copies 
of which have been deposited in the numuscript collections of 
the University of Texas and the Library of Congress. In this 
study, however, reliance has not been placed solely upon this 
voluminous collection. The writer has also examined material 
for the period covered in the Archiro Historico Xacioml of 
^^ladrid, and in the Archivo de Simancas, and has also had access 
to the large collection of transcripts from Mexican archives in 
the possession of the University of Texas. It is therefore eou- 
fidently believed that no important sources from the Spanish 
view point, have been overlooked and that little if any additional 
important material on the subject is yet to be made available. 
A number of hitherto unpublished maps have also been repro- 
duced from among those found at Seville. 

The writer desires first of all to express his deep obligation 
to Professor William R. Shepherd of Columbia University, under 
whose diroetion this dissertation has been written, for valuable 
criticism and friendly advice. He is greatly indebted to Pro- 
fessor Eugene C. Barker, Chairman of the School of History at 
the University of Texas, for constant encouragement and aid. 
He wishes also to take this opportunity of ackuowledging his 
in^mense debt to Professor Herbert E. Bolton of the University 
of California, without whose unfailing sympathy, inspiration, 
and patient .years of training in the past this study could never 
have been written. For friendly cooperation and assistance in 
the gathering of the materials included herein sincere thanks are 
hereby returned to the efficient staff of the Atrliivo General de 
Indias, including its scholarly director, Seiior Torres Lanzas, 
and the department chiefs, Senores Rubio, Navas, Lafita, and 
Cervera: and also to Senor Montero, the able and sympathetic 
chief of the Arehivo de Simaneas. Mrs. M. A. Hatcher, archivist 
of the University of Texas, has given much assistance in the 
reading of proof. 



'8 Uiiiversify of Texas Bulletin 

CHAPTER I 

EARLY PHASES, 1678-1685. 

Introductory. — By the opening of the last quarter of the seven- 
teenth century, Spain had begun to enter upon the lowest stage 
of her long period of decline. Ruled by a periodically insane 
sovereign, handicapped by a pernicious economic and industrial 
system, and exhausted by repeated wars, the once foremost na- 
tion of Europe was only saved from open bankruptcy and col- 
lapse by the tribute of gold and silver that was still remitted 
annually from America. Already serious inroads were beginning 
to be made upon her vast colonial domain. The seventeenth 
century had witnessed almost simultaneous action on the part 
of the great powers of Europe in obtaining a foothold in the 
new world. In the first decade of that century, the foundations 
were laid for the French, English, and Dutch colonies on the 
continent of North America. These remote settlements, how- 
ever, caussed Spain far less anxiety than did foreign encroach- 
ments within her immediate sphere of influence in the West 
Indies. In 1625 the deserted island of San Cristobal, later called 
St. Kitts, was occupied by French and English adventurers. 
This action was merely the prelude to a general scramble by 
foreign nations for the lesser islands of the Antilles. The French 
appropriated such islands as Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Tor- 
tuga; the Dutch, St. Eustatius, Tobago, and Curagao: the En- 
glish, Nevis, Barbuda, Antigua, and Montserrat. These settle- 
ments became the centers of a rapidly increasing population of 
lawless adventurers, who preyed upon Spanish commerce, and 
plundered at frequent intervals the unprotected coast towns. In 
1655 the first open conquest of territory within this region was 
made when the English seized Jamaica. Fifteen years later Eng- 
land forced Spain to make a formal treaty, in which the form- 
er's right to Jamaica, as well as to the territory occupied by Eng- 
glish colonists along the Atlantic seaboard, was definitely recog- 
nized. With the conclusion of this treaty, distasteful and un- 
satisfactory as it was to the Spaniards, the relations between 



Spanish and iFrench Rivalry in Gulf Region 

Spain and England in America were considerably clarified. Eng- 
land agreed to respect in the future the territorial claims of 
Spain, and promised to assist in exterminating the pirates who 
were causing the ruin of Spanish commerce.^ 

While the English attitude toward America was thus in a 
measure defined, the relations betw'een Spain and Prance in the 
same connection were far from being satisfactorily adjusted. In- 
deed, it was France which inspired in Spain the liveliest anxiety 
for the safety of the Indies. The unscrupulous ambitions of 
Louis XIV in Europe had already been only too well exhibited. 
His plans of aggrandizement on the continent at the expense of 
Spain had been almost uniformly sviccessful. Spain was con- 
vinced that he merely awaited a favorable opportunity to ex 
tend his aggressions to the new world, and attempt to wrest away 
the choicest portions of her colonial domain. Under the direction 
of the great Colbert, a notable revival of French interest in 
America had been apparent. Steps were taken to foster the 
commerce and general prosperity, not only of New France, but of 
the various islands in the West Indies which had been appro- 
priated by French subjects. The creation of the French Com- 
pany of the West Indies in 1664 was a distinct challenge to the 
exclusive claims of Spain. At the same time Louis XIV an- 
nounced in no uncertain terms his determination to secure for 
his subjects the freedom of the Spanish seas, and a share in me 
lucrative trade of the western hemisphere. 

Of all the measures adopted by the French in America as a 
result of Colbert's aggressive policy, those which concerned the 
island of Hispaniola or of Santo Domingo, Spain's oldest colony 
in America, wer(» probably most offensive to the Spaniards. 
While the northern coast of Santo Domingo had been frequented 
by French adventurers as early as the year 1630, no claim to 
sovereignty over that territory had been made at first by the 
French crown. Although repelled at various times, the persis- 
tency of the buccaneers had outUisted the spasmodic vigilance 
of Spain, and they had continued to grow in numbers and in 



'For an excellent account of the rise of the buccaneers in America, 
see C. H. Haring, The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the Seventeenth 
Century (New York, 1910). 



10 University of Texas Bidlethi 

daring. Upon the organization of the Company of the West In- 
dies, Louis XIV had placed the stamp of his royal approval on 
their encroachments by including in the patent of the French 
governor of Tortuga full jurisdiction over the settlements on the 
northern coast of Santo Domingo. Families were sent over from 
France, courts were established in the principal towns, and the 
region became an integral portion of the French colonial domain. 
.By 1675 it was estimated that the French population in northerii 
Santo Domingo numbered several thousand inhabitants, while 
Spanish settlements in the south contained only a scant fifteen 
hundred souls.- 

This action on the part of Louis XIV seemed to indicate clear- 
ly the pplicy that he intended to follow in regard to Spanish 
rights in America. Spain confidently believed that the French 
settlements in Santo Domingo would be but a stepping-stone to 
more formidable aggressions on her mainland colonies, and that 
in such aggressions the pirate host of the Caribbean regie n would 
be utilized in hiding the true designs of the French until the 
desired usurpation should be successfully accomplished. 

Spain's solicitude for the integrity of her insular possessions 
in the West Indies was in sti'oug contrast to the comparative in- 
difference with which she regarded that portion of hei colonial 
domain which is now included within the limits of the United 
States. The islands of the Antilles commanded the approaches 
to the heart of Spain 's most productive colonies. They lay within 
the beaten track of travel and commerce. The mainland of the 
continent north of Mexico, however, was valued chiefly as a 
great barrier region providentially erected for the i)roteetion 
of the rich mining provinces from which Spain secured a large 
part of her revenues. 



-Report of the fiscal of the Council of the Indies, .Tune 28, 1740, sum- 
marizing French activities in Santo Domingo from the earliest times 
(Archivo General de Indias, Seville; Santo Domingo, 55-1-12, 28 pp.) 
Throughout this study, citations will be made to transcripts in the 
collection of the University of Texas made from the original documents. 
These transcript are classified according to their original archive desig- 
nations. Where the citation is given in "folios" (ff.), the documents 
are available in manuscript only. Unless otherwise indicated, all ref- 
erences will be to documents in the Archivo General de Indias. 




Juan Jordan's Map of French Settlements in Santo Domingo. 

(Tracing from photograph of original in A. G. I., 

Indiferente General, 147-5-28.) 



12 Universiijj of Texas Bulletin 

In the first flush of energy that followed the discovery of 
America, while the spirit of romance and mystery hovered ovei- 
the entire new world, there had been no lack of interest mani- 
fested in the region of the United States. Repeated expeditions 
were made within this territory during the first half of the six- 
teenth century, but no ciuick and easy road to fame and wealth 
was found within its vast extent. Interest gradually wane J, 
and the geographical knowledge secured through the efforts of 
such pioneers as Narvaez. Alvar Niifiez Cabeza de Vaca, De 
Soto, and Coronado was soon forgotten, leaving only vague ru- 
mors of great riches to excite the imagination of later genera- 
tions. In 1565 the first permanent Spanish settlements within 
the present boundaries of the United States were planted in Flori- 
da, as an answer to the attempted Huguenot colony that had 
been sent out by Coligny. Fifteen years later the next advance 
into the territory north of New Spain began, and by the end of 
the century Spanish dominion had been established over the 
pueblo groups of New Mexico. With the occupation of these two 
widely separated regions, Spanish expansion within the United 
States seemed to have spent its force. Proposals were made by 
various individuals from time to time for an advanc^e into new 
fields, both from the region of Florida and from that of New 
Mexico, but little official interest was aroused by such petitions. 
As long as there was no pressing need for the occupation of new 
territory, the exhausted Spanish monarchy was content to allow 
the deserted region that lay between New Mexico and Florida 
to remain in a state of nature. It was not until a definite 
scheme of conquest by a foreign power threatened Spain's claim 
to this region that attention was turned in earnest to a considera- 
tion of its defence and development. Such a menace arose in 
the year 1678, just at the close of another of the periodical strug- 
gles between Spain and France. It took the form of the well- 
kno"s\Ti proposals of Diego de Penalosa at the court of France. 
This famous scheme was to lead to the reawakening of Spanish 
interest in the region of the United States, and was to signalize 
the beginning of the long struggle between Spain and France for 
the possession of the unoccupied coast line of the Gulf of Mexico, 
and the vast interior of the Mississippi Valley. 



SiMiiisli and French Bivalry in Gulf Region 18 

The Penalosa scheme, and the royal cedula of 1678. — A few 
weeks before peace was made between Spain and Prance by 
the treaty of Nimwegen, in the antnmn of 1678, news reached 
Madrid that a renegade Spaniard, who called himself the Count 
of Penalosa, was endeavoring to interest the Prench monarcli 
in a project to conquer certain provinces on the northern fron- 
tier of New Spain. Pefialosa had already been the source of 
much trouble to the Spanish government. A native of Peru, he 
had fought for many years in the wars of the southern viceroy- 
alty ; and later going to New Spain, had been made governor of 
the frontier province of New Mexico in 1660. After serving in 
that capacity for several years, he had become involved in a con- 
troversy with the Inquisition, as a result of which he was fined, 
exiled, and debarred from holding further office in the Spanish 
dominions.^ Failing to obtain redress for his grievances, he had 
gone to England in 1670, and had attempted to enlist the aid of 
Charles II in some aggression against Santo Domingo or South 
America. Reports concerning his activities were sent to Spain 
at that time, and the Spanish ambassador had been instructed to 
try to get Peiialosa out of England before he succeded in caus- 
ing any injury to the interests of Spain.* Shortly after this. 



•''The Inquisition's sentence against Peiialosa, dated Feb. 3, 1668, may 
be found in the ramo of "Inquisicion," Tomo 16, Archive General y 
Publico, Mexico, D. F. (Citation furnished by Mrs. A. F. Bandelier. ) 

'Consultas of the Council of the Indies, Aug. 29 and' Dec 10, 1671, 
cited in consulta of Nov. 18, 1678 (Archive General de Indias, 
Seville: Indiferente General, 141-3-1). 

The writer has found a number of documents in the Archive de Si- 
mancas relating to Penalosa's activities in England. On June 12, 1671. 
Marcos de Ofiate, of the Spanish embassy in London, wrote the king 
that Penalosa was still trying to promote his schemes; that money had 
been furnished him; and that he had gone to Dunkirk for an audience 
with the king of France. Oiiate said that an effort would be made to 
seize Penalosa, and send him to Flanders, but that it would be a diffi- 
cult undertaking (Letter of Oiiate, cited in consulta of the Council of 
State, July 31, 1671; Archive de Simancas, Legajo 2546). In a dispatch 
of August 31, 1671, the Spanish ambassador. Count of Molina, reported 
that he had been unable t© arrest Pefialosa, and that he had resolved 
to ask the aid of the English king in apprehending the adventurer (Con- 
sults of the Council of State, Sept. 23, 1671, ihich). Such a step was 
opposed by the Council of State as contrary to the practice of nati(ms. 



14 V niversity of Texas Bullciiii 

Penalosa had gone to France, and no further attention had ap- 
parently been paid to him by the Spanish government until his 
presence in Paris was reported in the autumn of 1678. This 
news was contained in a letter of a high official of Flan- 
ders, which was sent by the king to the Council of the Indies on 
October 16, 1678. Few details were given as to the nature of 
Peiialosa 's proposals to the king of France. It was merely stated 
that he had offered to effect the conquest of the provinces of 
Quivira and Tagago (Teguayo), which he said were fabulously 
rich in precious metals, and with which he claimed to be familiar 
through expeditions made to those regions during his term as 
governor of New Mexico.^ 

In obedience to the king's decree, the Council of the Indies 
gave its attention once more to the threatening activities of the 
troublesome Peiialosa. The ignorance of the Spaniards in regard 
to the region north of Mexico is well illustrated by the fact that 
the supreme governing body of the colonies as then constituted 
had apparently never heard of the province which Peiialosa had 
offered to conquer for the king of France. After a vain effort to 
find some one who could throw light upon the location of Qui- 
vira and Teguayo, the Council began to search through its ar- 
chives for a possible clue. There was finally unearthed among 
the "papeles curiosos" of the Council a memorial presented in 
1630 by a missionary of New Mexico, which made ref(^rence to 
the provinces in question. This was the now well-known "Bena- 
vides Memorial,'' drawn up by Father Alonso Benavides, cns- 
todian for many years of the Franciscan missions in New Mexico. 
The object of the memorial had been to call attention to the 
work of the Franciscan order on the northern frontier of New 
Spain, and to obtain royal support for the evangelization of the 
unoccupied territory to the north and east of New Mexico. With 
this end in view Father Benavides had given a glowing account 
of the wonders and riches of that region. Among other things 



•'Consulta of the Council of the Indies, Nov. 18, 1678, 141-3-1, pp. 1-2. 

Molina was instructed to say nothing to the king of England, but to 
endeavor to seize Peiialosa secretly (ibid.). Cf. Daenell, Die Spanier in 
Nordamerika, 1513-]S2'f, pp. 99-103, for an account of Pefialosa's activ- 
ities in England and France. 



Spanish and French liivalrij in Gulf Region 15 

he told of the reports oiven hy the Indians concerning the great 
kingdoms of Quivira and Aixaos, which were said to be thickly 
populated, and rich in silver and gold. In order to facilitate the 
occupation of this rich territory, Benavides suggested that a nev; 
way of approach should be opened up by way of Espiritu Santo 
Bay, which he believed to be situated between Apalache and Tam- 
})ico in latitude twenty-nine degrees, and only about one hundred 
leagues from Quivira. The occupation of this famous bay, 
long reputed to be the best harbor on the Gulf of Mexico, would 
shorten the distance to New Mexico and Quivira by more thf^ji 
eight hundred leagues (the usual route being o\(rlanJ via I\Lex- 
ico), and would lead to the conquest of a vast new kingdom, with 
corresponding benefits to the royal trea'^ury Such were the 
points in Father Benavides 's memorial to which the Council of 
the Indies now devoted its attention after a delay of nearly fifty 
years.*' 

With the foregoing information in its possession the Council 
])roceeded on November 18 to discuss the question of Peiialosa's 
activities in France. It did not believe that the king should be 
greatly disturbed as to the safety of the provinces of Qinvira and 
Teguayo. One of two things, the Council said, must be true. 
Either those provinces were not as rich as Penalosa reported 
them to be, or their conquest was a very difficult undertaking: 
for otherwise the English from the nearby region of Virginia 
would have attempted to gain possession of them many years 
before. With its usual caution, however, the Council thought 
that no chances should l)e taken in the matter, especially since 
it was reported that Penalosa had been assured by the French 
king that his proposals would be carefully considered as soon 
as France should again be at peace. This condition had recently 
been met by the conclusion of the treaty of Nimwegen. The 
Council was of the opinion, therefore, that some steps should be 
taken to guard against a possible invasion of the region 
threatened by Peiialosa's activities. It recommended to the 
king that the colonial officials of New Spain should be instructed 



"The Memorial is translated in the Land of Sunshine, vols. XIII and 
XIV. A separate de luxe edition based upon this translation has re- 
cently been published by Mr. Edward E. Aver of Chicago. 



16 Vniversitij of Texas Bulletin 

to report as to the feasibility of occupying Espiritu Santo Bay, 
and of opening up a new route to New Mexico and Quivira, as 
suggested by Father Benavides in his memorial. In regard to 
Penalosa himself, the Council said that such a pernicious char- 
acter might do much harm to the interests of Spain if allowed to 
remain among her enemies, and urged that some means should be 
devised for spiriting him away from France." 

The king concurred in the opinion of the Council, and the 
corresponding royal cedilla was issued on December 10. It was 
addressed to the viceroy of New Spain, but copies were also 
ordered sent to the governors of Havana and Florida. The 
cedula, which contains, a good summary of the causes for its pro 
mulgation, instructed the viceroy to make a detailed report in 
regard to the advisability of opening up communication with 
Quivira and Teguayo by way of Espiritu Santo Bay. He was 
to tell what means were available for the undertaking, and for 
the conversion of the natives of those provinces; whether there 
were priests^ in New Spain who might be sent as missionaries 
to the new region, or whether it would be easier to carry on the 
work from Florida ; and, finally, whether or not on account of 
the proximity of the English and French any injury was to be 
apprehended from the proposals which Penalosa had made to the 
king of France.^ 

The cedula of December 10, 1678 marks the tirst definite step 
in the reawakening of official Spanish interest in the deserted 
Mississippi Valley and Gulf region of the United States. The 
indefinite rumors of foreign encroachment had done more than 
the repeated petitions of soldiers, settlers, and priests. Th;it 
the action taken by the crown at this time was not more vigorous 
was due largely to the fact that it was not yet fully aroused 
to the seriousness of the .danger. The whole matter was merely 
shifted to the shoulders of the viceregal officials of New Spain. 



'Consulta of the Council of the Indies, Nov. 18, 1678; Indiferente Gen- 
eral, 141-3-1, 6 pp. 

'Real cedula, Dec. 10, 1678: Archive General y Publico, Mexico, D. 
F., Reales Cedulas, Vol. 16, ff. 189-190. (Transcript in the collection of 
the University of Texas, 4 pp.) 



SpmiisJi and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 17 

and further action postponed until the requested reports could 
be secured. 

Continued rumors of French designs. — While the Council of 
the Indies was evidently not greatly alarmed at Penalosa's pro- 
posed conquest of Quivira and Teguayo, there is much evidence 
to show that the strongest fears were entertained in regard to 
French aggression in other parts of the Indies. The records of 
the Council from 1678 to 1683 indicate a growing suspicion of 
the designs of Louis XIV in America. The situation in Santa 
Domingo continued to excite the greatest anxiety. Frequent re- 
ports from that island told of the rapid growth of the French set- 
tlements on the northern coast, and of the danger that the whole 
island would soon be lost to Spain.^ The voyage of the French 
admiral d'Estrees to America aroused much alarm. It was be- 
lieved that he had been sent to investigate conditions in the 
Spanish colonies, and to make a report as to the feasibility of 
their conquest. The Spanish ambassador in Paris, the Count 
of Fuentes, reported the return of d'Estrees from a recent voy- 
age in 1681, and gave an alarming account of rumored French 
designs. The Council of the Indies, in discussing the letter of 
Fuentes, agreed with him that the frequent voyages of French 
squadrons to America foreshadowed some attack upon .Spain's 
colonies. ^*^ In 1683 it was reported that a French engineer had 
made two voyages to the West Indies, and had visited several 
Spanish ports under various pretexts. Upon his return to 
France, he had announced, it was said, that France could eas- 
ily conquer any island belonging to Spain with a fleet of twenty 
ships and an army of six thousand men." Mjany rumors also 
reached Spain during these years of increased activit^^ in the 
French naval yards at Brest, Rochefort, and Havre. All of these 
reports merely served to confirm the general conviction that 



°An excellent report on conditions in Santo Domingo was made by- 
Governor Francisco de Segura on April 15, 1679 (MS. in the Archive 
General de Indias, Santo Domingo, 53-6-6). 

^"Consultas of the Council of the Indies, May 8, May 20, and May 29, 
1681 (Indiferente General, 141-3-3). 

"Consulta of the Council of the Indies, Feb. 20, 1683 (Indiferente 
General, 141-3-4); consulta of the Junta de Guerra, Nov. 2, 1683 (In- 
diferente General, 147-5-27). 



18 University of Texas Bulletin 

li^rance was preparing for some aggressive move in America. 
Spain was kept in a constant state of alarm, and yet feared to 
take any conspicuous steps to guard against an invasion of her 
colonies, lest such action might lead to a renewal of war with 
France. The most that she could do was to send a few additional 
troops to the more important posts in the Indies, endeavor to 
maintain a scant number of ships for the punishment of pirates, 
issue repeated warnings for vigilance, and give orders for the 
prompt remission of subsidies and supplies to the points that 
were most likely to be attacked. While the Council of the Indies 
realized that the only sure safeguard against foreign aggression 
was the maintenance of a strong naval force in America, the im- 
poverished condition of the royal treasury made such a measure 
out of the question.^- In spite of Spain's efforts to maintain 
peaceful relations with France, ^^ however, the aggressive policy 
of Louis XIV in Flanders led to a declaration of war by the 
Spanish king in October, 1683. The resumption of open hos- 
tilities now brought to their height the fears of French aggres- 
sion in America, and a revival of the rumors concerning the do 
signs of Pefialosa upon the northern frontier of New Spain. 

The new rumors reached Spain by way of England, and came 
from no less an authority than the king of England himself. 
The Spanish ambassador, now Pedro Ronquillo, was informed 
by the king that Peiialosa was again trying to persuade Louis 
XIV to undertake the conquest of certain portions of New Spain, 
this time with apparent success.^* The renegade was said to be 



^-Consultas of May 8, May 20, and May 29, 1681; and of February 20, 
1683. Many other references to the French menace may be found in 
Indiferente General, 141-3-3 and 141-3-4. 

^'Spain tried hard to avoid hostilities. In the summer of 1683 tho 
ambassador to England was instructed to propose a general arbitration 
to the king of England for a settlement of all difficulties. Louis XIV 
refused to join in such a move (Ronquillo to the king, July 5, 1683: 
Archivo de Simancas, Legajo 3959). 

"On January 18, 1682, Pefialosa had presented a memoir to the French 
king, proposing to establish a colony at the mouth of the Rio Bravo, 
and to advance upon the mines of Nueva Vizcaya. He planned to utilize 
the corsairs of Santo Domingo for this enterprise. In January, 1684, 
he submitted another proposal, offering to proceed straight to PSnuco 
with an army of filibusters, and conquer the northern portion of New 



SpoMisJi and \FrencJi Rivalry in Gulf Region 19 

in possession of a considerable sum of money, and it was known 
that a formidable naval squadron was being fitted out at Brest. 
The English king advised Eonquillo to warn his government of 
these reports, and to urge that some precautions be taken against 
the French, at least in the chief ports of the Indies. Ronquillo 
also stated that the French ambassador in London had openly 
threatened him with an invasion of America.^^ 

On August 9, 1684 the danger was discussed by the Junta de 
Gruerra^'' and the Coimcil of the Indies. The proceedings of 
these two bodies clearly reveal the impotence of Spain. The Junta 
frankly admitted that it could see no remedy for the situation. 
If the reports from England were true, it was too late to pre- 
vent the invasion. The available naval forces in America were 
not strong enough to cope with the French, and it was too late 
to send reinforcements. The Junta contented itself with ad- 
vising that an agent be sent to Brest to learn the destination 



■''Consulta of the Junta de Guerra, Aug. 9, 1684 (Indiferente General, 
147-5-28, p. 1). 

"The Junta de Guerra was a special body entrusted with the super- 
vision of important questions concerning the defence of the Spanish 
colonies. Although in existence as early as 1586, it does not seem to 
have been given a definite status until 1600. By a decree of August 25 
of that year Philip III created a "junta de guerra in the Council of the 
Indies." It was composed of four councillors from the Council of the 
Indies and four from the Council of War. The meetings were presided 
oyer by the president of the former Council. Sessions were usually 
held on Tuesday and Thursday of each week. The respective spheres 
of jurisdiction of the Council of the Indies and the Junta de Guerra 
do not seem to have been clearly differentiated. Both bodies frequently 
reported on the same matter. In general, however, the Junta seems to 
have been practically an expert 'committee of the Council on military 
and naval affairs concerning the colonies, reporting directly to the 
king. The following legajos contain much material for a study of the 
Junta de Guerra: Indiferente General, 141-5-6, 141-5-7, 141-5-8, and 
141-6-4. Transcripts of many of these documents are in the collection 
of the University of Texas. 

Spain. It was the latter project, doubtless, to which the king of England 
referred in his conversation with Ronquillo. The memoirs of PefialoSri 
referred to above are printed in Margry, Decouvertes et EtaMissements 
des Frangais, vol. Ill, 44-55; and in Shea, The Expedition of Don 
Diego Dionisio de Peiialosa, etc, (New York, 1882). 



20 University of Texas Bulletin 

of the French squadron, and that the usual warnings should be 
issued to colonial officials in America.^' The Council of the In- 
dies repeated substantially the opinion of the Junta, and pointed 
out in unmistakable terms the helplessness of the empire in the 
presence of the threatened danger. In regard to Peiialosa's de- 
signs, the Council now repeated the advice which it had given 
in 1678, and urged that that persistent trouble-maker should 
be gotten out of France before he succeeded in his treacherous 
plans.^^ 

Such was the situation in Spain when the war with France 
was brought to an end by the conclusion of the humiliating truce 
of Ratisbon on August 15, 1684. Once more Spain had been 
forced to bow to the will of the French monarch. The cessation 
of hostilities, however, did not remove the tension between the 
two countries. Indeed, all Europe continued to be an armed 
camp, and the violation of the truce was expected at any time. 
Spain now feared with even greater anxiety than ever before 
that Louis XIV, having made good his latest aggressions in Eu- 
rope, would attempt to put into execution his long-deferred plans 
of conquest in America. Under these circumstances it is not 
surprising that the Spanish government was willing to give 
serious consideration to a project which had as its object the 
defence and development of the unoccupied territory between 
Florida and New Mexico, believed to be threatened by the 
schemes of the spurious Count of Penalosa. 

The Echagaray project. — Early in 1684, probably in February, 
a lengthy memorial was presented to the king of Spain by one 
IMartin de Echagaray, for many years a pilot and naval captain 
of the presidio of St. Augustine, Florida, and only recently ar- 
rived in Spain from that province. ^° Echagaray told first of 



"Junta de Guerra, Aug. 9, 1684 (Indiferente General, 147-5-28, 3 pp.). 

"Consulta of the Council, Aug. 9, 1684, iUd., 4 pp. 

^■'Martin de Echagaray entered the services of the king at St. Augus- 
tine on Jan. 31, 1671, serving in various capacities, until he reached the 
rank of pilot and captain. On April 18, 1678 he was given permission to 
retire to private life, and became commander of a ship called Nuestra 
Seiiora de Regla. In 1678 he was commissioned by the viceroy to go 
out from Vera Cruz to meet the incoming fleet, which was threatened 
by pirates. In 1679 he aided in recovering a quantity of treasure on a 



Spanish and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 21 

the dangerous proximity to Florida of the settlement of St. 
George-^ (Carolina), which, he said, had been founded by 
French and English adventurers in 1670. An expedition had 
been sent against the settlement shortly after its establishment, 
but the attack was a failure, and the intruders had continued 
to grow in strength since that time. It was from the French, 
however, Echagaray said, that further aggression was most to 
be feared. As early as 1675 a report had been made by the gov- 
ernor of Tortuga to the French king, setting forth the great 
fertility and resources of the region of Florida between twenty- 
five and thirty-three degrees. Such was the productivity of tlie 
country, the governor had said, that even the children there grew 
to unusual size.-^ Echagaray then enumerated various attacks 
that had been made by the French in Florida. In 1679 a force of 
two hundred disguised men, either French or Indians, had at- 
tacked the settlements of Santa Catalina, in the province of 
Guale, and had forced the Indians to abandon their missions. In 
1682 the French had made three assaults upon San Martin and 
Apalache, burning the fort at the latter place.-- In the following 



-"The Spaniards almost invariably referred to Carolina as "San Jorge" 
until well into the eighteenth century, if one may judge by the docu- 
mentary sources. , 

"Echagaray said that he had learned of this report while in Havana 
the document in question having been intercepted from the French and 
taken to that port. He thought that an account of the matter had been 
sent to Spain at the time. 

"A rude fort was constructed on Apalache Bay in 1677 by Governor 
Pablo de Hita Salazar, who was very anxious for the government to 
found a colony in that region. The fort was garrisoned by a detachment 
of thirteen men (Hita Salazar to the king. Sept. 6, 1677; Santo Domingo, 
58-1-26, 2 pp.; same to same, March 6, 1680, ibid.). 

sunken vessel near the Bahamas. He re-entered the royal service in 
July, 1680, being appointed pilot-major of St. Augustine. In May, 1681 
he was sent to Cuba on an important mission. On Aug. 11, 1682 he was 
recommended for the rank of capitdn de mar y guerra by the Council 
of the Indies. He sailed from Florida in July, 1683 for the port of Gara- 
chico in the Canary Islands, and proceeded thence to Spain, arriving 
probably in January, 1684. (Relacion de servicios de el Capitdn Martin 
de Echagary, in Echagaray Expediente, pp. 57-60, Mexico, 61-6-20; 
memorial of Echagaray, ihid.. p. 66; consulta of the Council of the 
Indies, Aug. 11, 1682, Indiferente General, 147-5-27. 



22 " University of Texas Bulletin 

year they had attempted to capture St. Augustine itself, but 
fortunately had been repulsed. The raiders had gone on to the 
province of Guale, however, and had ravaged the missions of that 
district. As final and conclusive evidence of the hostile designs 
of the French, Echagaray told of a conversation that he had 
held with two French sailors in the Canary Islands while on 
his way to Spain. One of these men reported that when he had 
left France, about a year before, five ships were preparing to 
sail to the town of St. George, bearing settlers for a new colony 
in that region. In view of this information and of the report 
that had been made by the governor of Tortuga, it could easily 
be inferred, Echagaray said, that the French intended to found 
a colony in Florida. If they did so, they would soon gain pos- 
session of that entire province, and eventually of all New Spain. 
Echagaray then stated the means by which he proposed to 
guard against the French menace, and strengthen Spanish do- 
minion in Florida. In order to increase the scanty population 
of the province and develop its latent resources, he offered to 
transport thither fifty industrious Spanish families from the 
Canary Islands, and twenty-four Indian families from Campeche. 
Similar measures to this end had been approved by the govern- 
ment, he said, but had never been carried out because of lack 
of funds. He also agreed to take to Florida the fifty soldiers 
that had been promised for the garrison of St. Augustine. By 
such means the province would be materially strengthened, and 
rendered capable of providing for its own defence. Echagaray 
then offered to explore the unknown Gulf coast between Apa- 
lache and Tampico. Within this region, he said, were many 
great rivers and the Bay of Espiritu Santo, well known to be one 
of the best harbors shown on the navigation charts. He then 
gave a short description of this famous bay, so long the subject 
of myth and conjecture. According to the reports th?it he had 
received from certain Indians in the mission at Apalaehe who 
lived near the bay, he said, two great rivers flowed into it, one 
leading to the region called Movila, and the other to New Mex- 
ico. The surrounding country, of course, was very fertile. It 
produced fruits similar to those of Spain, and abounded in cattle 
of various kinds, including one variety which produced as good 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region lo 

wool as that gotten from a sheep's back.-^ Such was Echagaray's 
faith in the general excellence of the bay that he suggested that 
Vera Cruz be abandoned, and Espiritu Santo made the staple 
port for the fleets sailing to New Spain. It was obvious, he said^ 
that if the French should gain possession of such a wonderful 
harbor, they would be in an ideal position to harass all New 
Spain. 

Having pointed out the two important services which he pro- 
posed to render, Echagaray then explained the conditions on 
which he would undertake to put them into execution. In order 
that he might be compensated for the expenses that he would 
incur in transporting the Spanish families and soldiers to Flori- 
da, he asked to be given the privilege of sending with the next 
galleons a ship of two hundred tons' burden, laden with goods 
for the consumption of the garrison of St. Augustine. The of- 
ficials of Florida were to be ordered to receive such goods at 
the same prices paid for those secured from Mexico delivered in 
the province. The cargo was to be exempt from all duties, and 
he was to be allowed to sell any residue in Havana and Cam- 
peche.-* He was also to be given the title of captain of infantry^ 
with the corresponding salary, for the duration of the voyage. 
For his services in transporting the Indian families from Cam- 
peche, he asked to be given the contract for carrying the usual 
cargo of flour from Yucatan to Florida. If all of these con- 
ditions were complied with, Echagaray said, he would then un- 
dertake the proposed exploration of the Gulf coast and Espiritu 
Santo Bay. With the aid of ten soldiers and two Indian guides 
to be furnished by the governor of Florida, he agreed at his. 
own expense to explore, draw a map of, and describe in detail 
the three hundred leagues of unknown country that lay between 
Apalache and Tampico."^ Such were the chief points in the pro- 



"The buffalo, of course. 

-^Echagaray cited a royal cedula of 1673 as precedent for his request. 
On June 5, 1673 the king had decreed that one registered ship of 200 
tons could be sent annually to Florida, and similar privileges had been, 
granted to one Tom^s de Arzu in that year. 

-^A final condition was that his salary as pilot-major and naval cap- 
tain should be paid during his life time for the support of his family 
in Florida. 



24 University of Texas Bulletin 

posals of Echagaray, which were again to bring to the attention 
of the Spanish crown the much-heralded Espiritu Santo Bay, 
and the unoccupied region to which it was supposed to consti- 
tute the natural gateway.-^ 

Since the project of Echagaray constitutes an important chap- 
ter in the early history of the Gulf region of the United States, 
and since it throws much light upon the workings of the central 
administrative organs of the Spanish colonial system, it seems 
worth while to trace in some detail its progress through the 
governmental routine. The memorial was first taken up by the 
Junta de Guerra on March 23, and was promptly referred to 
the royal fiscal.-'' As it concerned colonial trade and the sale 
of registered goods, the fiscal advised that it should be submit- 
ted to the Casa de la ContrataciSn (House of Trade) and the 
Consulado of Seville for their report.-^ It was not until July 
that the latter body found time to consider the matter. With 
its usual opposition to any infringement upon the established 
commercial system, the Consulado showed itself quite hostile to 
Echagaray 's plan. It questioned the truth of some of the state- 
ments that he had made, and belittled the danger to Florida 
from the French and the English. It was probable, the Con- 
sulado said, that the settlement of St. George referred to by 
Echagaray had already been abandoned; if it had not been, it 
could be destroyed at any time with little effort. It doubted, 
as well, whether the French were responsible for the various 
attacks that had been made upon Florida.-'' The immediate 
transportation of families from the Canary Islands was regarded 



^"Memorial of Echagaray in the "Echagaray Expediente," pp. 64-7.'?. 
The document is undated, but by a study of the accompanying papers 
the date may be fixed approximately as February, 1684. It was certainly 
not later than March 23, when the petition was considered by the Junta 
<de Guerra. 

^'Echagaray Expediente, p. 63. 

'*»Respuesta fiscal, April 27, 1684, ihid., 73-74. 

^"The Consulado pointed out that the fact that the assailants of Santa 
Catalina had been disguised was good proof that the French had not 
been involved, for the latter always attacked openly, while the hostile 
Indians of Florida had been known to make use of a disguise on pre- 
vious occasions. 



Spanish and French Rivalnj in Gulf Region 



25 



with frank disfavor. Until a suitable site should be selected 
for their colony, and all necessary arrangements completed, it 
would be unwise to take such families to Florida, where they 
would only be a heavv burden upon the royal treasury. In re- 
gard to the exploration of Espiritu Santo Bay, the Consulado 
expressed its surprise that Eehagaray had not already effected . 
its discovery before presenting his petition. If the bay could 
be found as easily as he indicated, it would be better for the 
governor of Florida to report as to whether it should be oc- 
cupied. In the opinion of the Consulado, the whole proposition 
was simply a scheme on the part of Eehagaray to sell goods, free 
of all duties, in Florida, Havana, and Campeche. The most ob- 
jectionable feature of his proposal, however, was that he wished 
to secure permission for his ship to accompany the galleons, , 
which were to sail in the autumn of 1684. Such a privilege would 
be in violation of the agreement made between the crown and 
the merchants^o that no registered ship should be allowed to 
go to New Spain in the interval between the sailings of the 
regular fleet. It would be unjust to the merchants, would hurt 
the fair at- Jalapa, and would therefore result in serious injury 
to the royal treasury. The Consulado thought, therefore, that 
the proposition of Eehagaray was most undesirable, and re- 
commended its rejection." 

In view of the hopelessness of securing permission for his 
ship to sail with the galleons, Eehagaray, who had gone to Se- 
ville himself to promote his enterprise, did not press the matter 
further at this time,='- and the Ca^a de la Coniraiacion, evidently 
shunning useless labor, did not trouble itself in making a report 
to the Council of the Indies. After the departure of the gal- 
leons in September, however, Eehagaray again became active, 
and asked that his vessel be allowed to sail with the next reg- 
ular fleet.=^' He now appealed to the Council of the Indies for 

•"The asientv de aiieria, 

"Report of the Consulado, July 10, 1684, ibid.. 24-27. 

3=From a complaint made by Eehagaray some months later, there are 
indications that the authorities at Seville had simply neglected to con- 
sider his petition, but this point is not clear. 

^^The fifty soldiers for Florida were sent on the galleons. 



26 University of Texas Bulletin 

some decision in his ease. On November 28 the Council wrote 
to the Casa de la Contratacion, expressing its surprise that the 
report asked for so many months before had not yet been made. 
In extenuation of its failure to reply, the Casa explained that 
Echagaray himself had temporarily dropped the matter. The 
Consulado was now asked for a second report. This it made on 
February 6, 1685. While it still believed that Echagaray 's 
scheme embodied many undesirable features, since he now de- 
sired to accompany the regular fleet and not the galleons, it 
saw less inconvenience in acceding to his request.^* The ques- 
tion was next considered by the Casa de la Contratacion. That 
body took issue with the Consulado, and supported Echagaray 's 
proposals quite enthusiastically. It believed that not only would 
his enterprise result in no injury to the king's interests, but 
that, on the contrary, it would be a veritable blessing to the 
poorly defended province of Florida.^^ 

According to the regular routine, the whole expedients of 
accumulated reports now returned to the hands of the fiscal, 
who was at last in a position to draw up his opinion in the mat- 
ter. His lengthy recommendations were dated April 11, 1685. 
With his broader knowledge of the affairs of the empire at large, 
the fiscal at once saw the importance of Echagaray 's proposals, 
and their close connection with various measures that had been 
under consideration by the government. He recalled the many 
efforts that had been made in previous years to strengthen the 
province of Florida, develop its resources, and ameliorate the 
condition of its miserable inhabitants. He confirmed Echagaray 's 
statements in regard to the attacks that had been made on the 
province by foreign enemies, and told of measures that had been 
recommended to protect the threatened districts. On account 
of the failure of colonial officials to send in the reports that had 
been asked for in this connection, no definite action had been 
taken by the government."" The fiscal next referred to the alarm 



**IMd., 27. 

"Report of the Casa de la Contratacion, March 13, 1685, ibid.. 21-23. 

''The facts cited by the fiscal were the following: In 1673 a petition 
had been received from the citizens of St. Augustine, telling of the 
deplorable condition of the Indians. Although cotton was produced in 
abundance, the natives were without clothing because no one in the 



Spanish and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 27 

that had been felt in Spain in 1678, when the news of Penalosa's 
activities in France had become known, and recalled the cedula 
that had been issued in that year asking for a report on Quivira 
and Teguayo, and the proposed occupation of Espiritu Santo 
Bay as suggested by Father Benavides. No reply, he said, had 
been received to this order,^'^ 



"The fiscal evidently ignored a letter written by the governor of 
Florida in 1679 in answer to the cedula in question. The governor 
stated that he had already reported all he knew of the region lying to 
the west of Florida in a letter and map sent to the king on November 
10, 1678, and that he had been unable to acquire any further infor- 
mation (Santo Domingo, 54-5-11). 

province knew how to weave cotton cloth. As a result of this petition, 
an order had been sent to the governor of Campeche to make ar- 
rangements to send to Florida twenty-four Indian families skilled in 
weaving. Nothing further was done in the matter. In 1675 the 
governor of Florida, Pablo de Hita Salazar, had reported that it 
was very important that these Indian families be sent to the region 
of Apalache, together with a number of Spanish families, who would 
engage in agricultural pursuits. With such settlers, the governor 
said, the district of Apalache would soon rival Flanders in pros- 
perity. In consequence of this letter, instructions were sent to the 
governor of the Canary Islands for a report as to the possibility 
of sending a number of families from those islands to Florida. No 
answer had been received to this order. In 1678 Governor Hita Salazar 
again set forth the desolate condition of Florida, due chiefly, in his 
opinion, to the lack of industries. He suggested that it would be 
well to allow certain families of the garrison at St. Augustine to 
remove to Apalache. Some financial aid would have to be given them, 
but the expense would be much less than that which would be incurred 
in importing families from the Canary Islands. It would be advisable, 
however, to make an effort to send at least twelve families from the 
Islands and an equal number of Indian families from Campeche to 
serve as instructors for the inexperienced inhabitants of Florida. The 
whole question had been considered by the government, but no definite 
action was taken. In 1680 reports were received from Florida in regard 
to various attacks that had been made upon the province of Quale. It 
was suggested that Santa Catalina should be colonized in order to pre- 
vent such incursions. Still another order was therefore sent to the 
governor of the Canary Islands to endeavor to send a number of fam- 
ilies to Florida. The governor of Florida was notified of this action, and 
was asked to send in a detailed report in regard to suitable sites for 
colonies. He was to take no definite action, however, until receipt of 
further orders from Spain. 



28 University of Texas Bulletin 

All of the foregoing facts, the fiscal said, clearly proved the 
timeliness of Eehagaray's project. There could be no doubt that 
Florida was very much exposed to the assaults of foreign ene- 
mies. Eehagaray's proposed measures to protect that province 
were virtually identical with those which had been attempted 
in vain by the government. The fiscal believed that the explora- 
tion of the Gulf region was equally as important. Although he 
realized that the monarchy was not in a position to undertake 
the discovery of new territory and provide for its defence, he 
believed that the importance of the region which Echagaray of- 
fered to explore warranted an exception being made. Exper- 
ience had shown that the regular colonial officials were neglect- 
ing the king's interests, and could not be depended upon to 
guard against foreign aggression. The French were losing no 
opportunity to secure new territory, and there was little doubt 
that they would take steps to establish settlements in the region 
north of New Spain as soon as they were in a position to do so. 
This fact was proven by the reply of the king of France to Peiia- 
losa in 1678, to the effect that as soon as the war was over, the 
conquest of Quivira and Teguayo would be favorably cousidered. 
Eehagaray's offer to explore Espiritu Santo Bay and the Gulf 
coast should therefore be most welcome. Even if it were found 
inadvisable to occupy the region at once, the king would have 
the satisfaction of knowing something definite about it, and 
would be in a better position to take proper steps for its de- 
fence in ease of foreign invasion. From whatever angle Eeha- 
garay's proposals were regarded, said the fiscal, he could see 
nothing but benefit to the crown resulting from them, and he 
therefore formally advised that they should be accepted,^- upon 

^^Respuesta fiscal, April 11, 1685, Echagaray Expediente, 76-92. 

The fiscal objected to a few minor details of the plan. He was 
unwilling for Echagaray to be exempted from the tax levied for the 
benefit of the school of navigation at Seville. He thought that it should 
be made clear that the contract to carry flour from Campeche should 
be given only on condition that the Indian families were willing to 
emigrate voluntarily. He advised that fifty more soldiers should be sent 
to Florida with Echagaray, in addition to the fifty that had recently 
been sent. Echagaray should be required to give a bond to insure the 
execution of his agreement. 



Spanisli and [French Bivalry in Gulf Brgion 29 

practically the same conditions that Eehagaray had stipulated. 

With the fiscaVs stamp of approval on his project, Eehaga- 
ray 's success was practically insured. The Junta de Guerra 
adopted the recommendations without change on June 19.^^ On 
August 2 the king's formal cedula, announcing the acceptance 
of Eehagaray 's offer, was promulgated. Copies of the royal 
dispatch were ordered sent to the viceroy of New Spain and to 
the governor of Florida. By way of introduction and explana- 
tion, the document repeated the contents of the cedtda of De- 
cember 10, 1678. It then recited the chief points in the agree- 
ment that had been made with Eehagaray. The viceroy and 
governor were ordered to cooperate to the fullest extent, the 
latter being instructed to furnish Eehagaray with the necessary 
men for the exploration of the Gulf coast. In spite, also, of the 
new arrangements that had been made, the king repeated the 
order for a report on Quivira and Teguayo as originally given 
in the cedida of IGTS.*** 

The adoption of Eehagaray 's plan marks the second step in 
the development of royal interest in the Gulf region of the 
United States. The fears that had been aroused by the activi- 
ties of Pefialosa in 1678 had been confirmed by the continued 
reports of French designs that had been received in Spain since 
that time. The proposals of the obscure pilot were instrumental 
in crystalizing the interest that had been faintly aroused by the 
first rumors of Pefialosa 's proposed conquest. They directed 
the attention of the Spanish crovm in a definite way to the Bay 
of Espiritu Santo. The discussion aroused by the project caused 
the royal government to realize the necessity for abandoning its 
policy of inaction and procrastination, if Spain was to retain 



^"Ibid., p. 92. 

*°The copy of the cedula sent to the viceroy is in the Archivo General 
y Publico, Mexico, D. F., Reales Cedulas, Vol. 20, ff. 272-276. Another 
copy is contained in Testimo de los Autos, y diligencias fechas, pp. 
156-159 (Mexico, 61-6-20). The copy addressed to the governor of Florida 
is in the "Delgado Expediente," pp. 55-58 (Mexico, 61-6-20). Juan Mar- 
Quez Cabrera, governor of Florida, acknowledged receipt of the cedula 
in St. Augustine on August 20, 1686, and promised obedience in the 
customary terms (ibid., 58-59). 



30 University of Texas Bulletin 

her claim to the vast stretch of territory that lay between Florida 
and New Mexico. 

Although, as will be seen, Echagaray's ambitious plan was 
never carried out, the interest which it had aroused in Espiritu 
Santo Bay and the region of the Gulf of Mexico was not to abate. 
While the slowly-moving organs of Spanish colonial administra- 
tion had been discussing his proposals, the menace which he had 
warned against had finally materialized. It came, however, from 
an entirely unsuspected source — not from the discredited Peiia- 
losa, not from the pirate hosts of Santo Domingo, but from a 
man of whose threatening activities the Spaniards seem to have 
been almost wholly heedless. For in the summer of 1684 La Salle 
had sailed from La Rochelle to colonize for France the vast un- 
occupied region of the Mississippi Valley. 



Spanish and Frencli Rivalry in Gulf Region 31 

CHAPTER II. 
LA SALLE'S COLONY, 1685-1686 

The founding of Fort St. Louis. — The story of La Salle's ill- 
fated colony on the Gulf of Mexico has been told again and 
again by a host of writers from Parkman down to the present 
day. In none of these accounts, however, has the subject been 
treated from the Spanish viewpoint. It will be the purpose 
of the present chapter to present this neglected phase, and to 
show how the secret of the French colony within the forbid- 
den region of the Gulf of Mexico was revealed to the Spanish 
government, as well as the first measures of defence that were 
called forth by the menace to Spain. For the sake of a clear 
understanding of the measures adopted, however, it will be 
necessary to give first a brief summary of the essential facts of 
La Salle's last venture. 

While Spain slumbered, French explorers had been prepar- 
ing the way for the extension of the sovereignty of France 
over the great interior region of the Mississippi Valley. The 
high water-mark of French enterprise was reached in 1682,- 
when La Salle descended the Mississippi River to its mouth, 
and took possession in the name of Louis XIV of the vast ter- 
ritory drained by its waters. La Salle returned to France in 
the following year, and presented his first memorial for the 
colonization of Louisiana shortly after the reneM^al of hostili- 
ties with Spain.^ In order, doubtless, to make his plan of col- 
onization more acceptable to the king, he combined with it an 
impracticable scheme to utilize the savage tribes along the Mis- 
sissippi in the conquest of the rich mining region of Nueva 
Vizcaya, on the northern frontier of New Spain. He pointed 
out that, even if peace should be made before he was able to 
put this part of his enterprise into execution, the colony on 
the Mississippi would afford a base for an invasion of the 
Spanish colonies whenever the king might wish to effect their 
conquest. At the same time that La Salle was presenting 



^See p. 18, supra. 



32 University of Texas Bulletin 

his proposals, Pefialosa had again become active in his intrigues 
against the Spanish colonies, and offered to lead an expedition 
to conquer a large portion of New Spain. While there was 
doubtless some idea at first of combining the two enterprises, 
La Salle's plans were finally adopted by the crown as prefer- 
able to those of the Spanish renegade. In April a royal patent 
was issued to La Salle as governor of the indefinite region ex- 
tending froro. Fort St. Louis on the Illinois to the Spanish 
settlements of Nueva Vizcaya on the south. 

Preparations for the expedition were in progress throughout 
the spring and summer of 1684. The plans of La Salle were 
enveloped in the most profound secrecy. Even Beaujeu, the 
naval officer who had been appointed to accompany the expe- 
dition, knew nothing definite about the route to be followed, 
although La Salle seems to have given the impression that he 
intended to return to Louisiana by way of Canada. The ex- 
treme reticence of La Salle was very annoying to Beaujeu, 
and the latter came to form a very poor opinion of La Salle's 
ability and of the ultimate success of the expedition. Not until 
the voyage was under way was it known that the Gulf of 
Mexico was the first destination of the colony. 

The fleet of four vessels, bearing almost three hundred colo- 
nists, set sail from La Rochelle in July, 1684, some three weeks 
before the short-lived war with Spain was brought to an end by 
the conclusion of the truce of Ratisbon. The course was di- 
rected first to the French settlements on the northern coast of 
Santo Domingo, where La Salle expected to obtain information 
and assistance for the next stage of the voyage. Shortly before 
reaching the port of Petit Gouave, the first serious mishap oc- 
curred when the ketch St. Francois, which bore most of the pro; 
visions for the colony, was captured- by Spanish corsairs. The 
greed of the Spaniards was evidently greater than their devo- 
tion to their country's interests, for no report of the capture of 
the vessel seems to have been made to the Spanish authorities 
and La Salle's designs were not revealed. The expedition was 
detained at Petit Gouave for two months, on account of La 
Salle's illness and the necessity of replenishing the stock of sup- 
plies. The voyage was resumed in the latter part of Novem- 



SpanisJi and French Bivalry m Gulf Region 33 




La Salle's Camp on Matagorda Bay, 1686. (Tracing from photograph 
of original in A. G. I., Mexico, 61-6-20.) 



3— S. 



34 University of Texas Bulletin 

ber. For several weeks the vessels sailed toAvard the west 
through the open waters of the Gulf, until at the end of De- 
cember the first land was sighted. They had gone several hun- 
dred miles past the Mississippi River, and were now off the 
coast of Texas. After examining the coast for several days, La 
Salle decided to make a landing at the present Matagorda Bay, 
being firmly convinced that he was at the outlet of one of the 
mouths of the Mississippi. In piloting the ships into the inner 
waters of the bay, another serious misfortune was suffered in 
the loss of the Aimable, which was run aground, and most of 
its cargo destroyed. As La Salle persisted in his intention 
to remain at the bay, Beaujeu soon returned to France, having 
carried out the instructions that had been given him. After a 
short time the temporary encampment of the colony on the 
shore of the bay was abandoned for a site about five miles up 
the course of one of the small streams in the vicinity — the pres- 
ent Garcitas Creek.- Here a rude post was built, which was 
christened Fort St. Louis. The rest of the story may be told in 
a few words. The inexperienced colonists met with one disas- 
ter after another. Their numbers we-re steadily reduced 
through sickness and hardships. Early in 1686 the one remain- 
ing ship was wrecked through carelessness, and the last chance 
of escape by sea was lost. La Salle made three fruitless at- 
tempts to find the Mississippi, and secure aid from his Illinois 
fort. His first journey lasted for five months, the party wand- 
ering far into the interior of the country in search of the elus- 
fiive river. The second journey carried the explorers to the ter- 
ritory of the Texas Indians, with whom the Frenchmen re- 
mained for several weeks before returning to the fort, as unsuc- 
cessful as before. On the last journey, in January, 1687, La 
Salle was treacherously assassinated by one of his own men near 



^Parkman and practically all other writers who have dealt with the 
•subject have identified the stream on which La Salle built his fort with 
the Lavaca River. Professor Bolton has recently established the fact 
that it was on the Garcitas, and has found the exact site after a per- 
sonal inspection of the locality. See H. E. Bolton, "The Location of La 
Salle's Colony on the Gulf of Mexico," in the Mississippi Valley His- 
torical Review, ii, 165-182. 



SpamsJi and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 35 

the Brazos River in Texas.^ A few weeks later the rest of the 
colonists, except for a few deserters and some of the children 
who were spared, were massacred by the hostile coast Indians. 
Such was the disastrous outcome of the first attempt of Louis 
XIV to obtain a foothold on the mainland of the Gulf of Mex- 
ico.* 

If La Salle's hesitant attitude and apparent indecision in 
the midst of the preparations for his expedition were deliber- 
ately assumed in order to deceive the world in regard to the real 
purpose of his enterprise, his efforts to that end were com- 
pletely successful as far as Spain was concerned. There is a 
conspicuous absence of any contemporaneous reference in Span- 
ish archives to La Salle and his activities before his colony was 
actually established. And y^t the general nature of his plans 
must have been known in Spain in a vague fashion, just as in 
other countries of Europe. Indeed, there are later indications 
that the Spanish government was aware of his activities. So 
wide-spread was the opinion that La Salle was a dreamer and 
that his schemes were impractical, however, that Spain seems to 
have paid little if any attention to his plan of colonization. If 
any thought was given to the matter at all, it was merely sup- 
posed that he was planning to return to Canada to continue his 
efforts to colonize a region which was too remote from Spanish 
settlement to warrant apprehension. Spain was to be taken to- 
tally unawares. It was not until many months after La Salle 
had planted his colony that the Spanish government realized the 
menacing nature of his designs, and learned that he had estab- 
lished his settlement within the region which had been brought 
so prominently to the attention of the king through the pro- 



^The mistake of older writers in stating that La Salle was killed on 
the Trinity River was first corrected by Professor Bolton, who has 
placed the scene of the tragedy near the Brazos River. (Cf. Bolton, op. 
cit., 168.) This conclusion has been confirmed by the present writer'? 
investigations. 

'Parkman's La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, in spite 
of minor inaccuracies, still constitutes the most fascinating and most 
authoritative account of La Salle's enterprise. The chief French sources 
are printed in Margry, Decouvertes et Etablissements des Frangais. etc., 
Vols. II and III. 



36 University of Texas Bulletin 

posals of Martin de Echagaray. The way in which the secret 
came to light, hitherto only vaguely and incorrectly stated, was 
as follows: 

The first news in Mexico. — While returning from a fruitless 
treasure hunt to South American waters in the summer of 1685, 
Admiral Gaspar de Palacios, pilot-major of the Indies, encount 
ered a large fleet of corsairs off the coast of Yucatan. He was 
pursued for some distance, but succeeded in escaping to Vera 
Cruz, whence he notified the viceroy, the Marquis of Laguna, 
of the proximity of the pirates, and of the threatened danger 
to the coast towns. On July 6 the corsairs, led by the notorious 
Grammont, entered Campeche, and sacked and burned the 
town. They remained there for almost two months, until forced 
to retire by a relief expedition sent by the viceroy. On Sep- 
tember 10 one of the pirate ships was captured by the windward 
squadron (armada de harlovento), and taken to Vera Cruz, 
with one hundred and twenty prisoners on board. ^ It was dur- 
ing the course of the examination of these prisoners that the 
Spanish officials received the first evidence that a French colony 
had been established on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico.® 

The most detailed information was given in the declaration 
of a young Frenchman, who claimed to have been a member of 
the colony that had been founded. On October 27 this individ- 
ual was subjected to a special examination. In reply to the 
usual preliminary questions, he said that his name was Denis 
Thomas; that he was a native of Longueville, near Dieppe; 
twenty-two years old ; and lately page in the service of the 



"The date of the capture of this vessel has usually been given as Sep- 
tember, 1684 instead of September, 1685, and this mistake has causea 
several writers to assert that more than a year elapsed after the report 
of La Salle's colony was received in Mexico before an expedition was 
sent out to search for it (Cf. Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas. 
i, 399; Clark, "The Beginnings of Texas," Bulletin of the University 
of Texas. No. 98. p. 14; Bolton, op. cit.. p. 169). 

'Gaspar de Palacios to Pedro de Oreytia, president of the Casa de la 
Contratacion, Nov. 17, 1685; Antonio de Astina to the king. Nov. 18, 
1685; auto of Astina, Oct. 27, 1685, in Testimo de los Autos, y dlli- 
gencias fechas, 4-5; Joseph de Murueta Otdlora and Francisco Garcia de 
Arroyo to the viceroy, Oct. 29, 1685, iUd., 2-3; all in A. G. I., Mexico, 
61-6-20). 



Spanish and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 37 

Marquis de Greville. About a year before, he said, he had 
sailed from France on a royal frigate under command of a 
Captain Bonchiut (Beaujeu), in company with three other ves- 
sels, which carried all necessary supplies for the founding of a 
colony at a place called "Micipipi." The colonists numbered 
about two hundred and fifty persons, including two companies 
of infantry, seven priests, and men of various trades and pro- 
fessions. On October 28, 1684, they had arrived at Petit 
Gouave, on the northern coast of Santo Domingo. Shortly 
before reaching that port, a ketch laden with provisions was 
captured by the Spaniards, and the expedition was forced to 
remain at Petit Gouave for more than two months in order to 
secure additional supplies. During this delay, Thomas said, he 
had decided to abandon the colony, and return to France, as 
he had heard that the voyage to Mississippi would be a very 
long one. Finding himself without means of livelihood he had 
embarked on the corsair which had been captured and taken to 
Vera Cruz. Such was the fairly accurate explanation given 
by the youth in regard to his presence in Spanish waters. 

These personal details having been disposed of, the Spanish 
officials endeavored to learn something more definite concern- 
ing the French colony itself. Upon being asked who had dis- 
covered the place called Mississippi, and w^hen, Thomas replied 
that a man named Monsieur de Salas had found it, after a 
search of eighteen years, having made his way from New France 
to a large river, which he had descended for five hundred 
leagues until he reached its mouth and the open sea. He had 
then returned to France, where the king, as a reward for his 
success, give him the title of marquis, and made him viceroy of 
the country he had discovered. Thomas said that he had heard 
that ]\I. de Salas had left a number of men in a fort on the large 
river, and that he planned to conquer some rich mines not far 
from Mississippi. All of these facts, the witness stated, had 
been given him by a servant of La Salle's, but his informant 
had refused to reveal the exact location of the place that had 
been chosen for the settlement. Many other questions w^ere 
asked the prisoner, and further alarming details were elicited. 
As the general facts of his story were corroborated by the dec- 



38 University of Texas B^illetin 

larations of several other prisoners, the officials at Vera Cruz 
were forced to conclude that he was telling the truth, and that 
a French colony had actually been established within territory 
claimed by Spain/ 

Maps were hurriedly consulted, and attention fixed upon the 
unfamiliar resion north of the Gulf of Mexico. There was 
clearly only one river leading from New France to the Gulf, 
along whose course one could travel for five hundred leagues. 
This was the river shown on the maps of the time as the "Rio 
del Espiritu Santo," flowing into the famous bay of the same 
name. Admiral Palacios,* experienced pilot and navigator, was 
not long in concluding that the probable site of the French set- 
tlement was on this very river and bay. When he estimated 
the distance from Espiritu Santo to the various ports of IMex- 
ico and Florida^ finding that it was only one hundred and 
twenty leagues from Apalache, one hundred and sixty-five from 
Tampico, and one hundred and ninety from Vera Cruz, the 
dangerous proximity of the invaders was immediately realized. 
From Espiritu Santo Bay the French would be able to attack 
the fle-ets of the Indies, and threaten the whole kingdom of New 
Spain. Palacios thought that immediate and vigorous action 
was imperative. He therefore drew up a report to the viceroy, 
suggesting that steps be taken to ascertain the exact location 
of the settlement, and that armed forces be sent out to destroy 
it. Two fishing boats manned by twelve men each would suf- 



'Declaration of Denis Thomas, Oct. 27, 1685, in Testimo de los Autos, 
y diligencias fechas, 5-13. The complete testimony of the pirates exam- 
ined at Vera Cruz may be found in Mexico, 60-2-4, 668 folios. Thi:i 
voluminous document gives full details concerning the attack upon 
Campeche. 

^Gaspar de Palacios was a veteran sailor, and one of the most noted 
pilots of his time. He had been in the continuous service of the king 
of Spain for fifty-six years, having served in the following capacities: 
capiti'in de mar y guerra since 1657; governor and chief in command 
of a fleet in Santo Domingo in 1666; pilot-major of galleons in 1671; 
and in 1684 he was made admiral, with the pay of pilot-major in addi 
tion. A few years later he drew a map of the Gulf region, which was 
said to have corrected more than two hundred and fifty old errors (Con- 
sulta of the Junta de Guerra de Indias, Nov. 10, 1689; IndifeVente 
General, 147-5-28, 2 ff.). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 39 

fice to examine the Gulf coast. Such an expedition could easily 
be made from Vera Cruz, and even with more facility from 
Havana, as the officials at the latter place were more familiar 
with the region in question.'-* 

The report of Admiral Palacios, and letters from other officials 
at Vera Cruz who concurred in his opinion, were sent to the vice- 
roy by special courier, reaching the capital on November 3. The 
documents were immediately sent to the fiscal, and a council ex- 
traordinary summoned to meet as soon as that official should 
make his report. The fiscal was at once impressed with the 
gravity of the situation. The facts disclosed in the declarations 
of the prisoners at Vera Cruz, he thought, left little doubt that 
the French had occupied Espiritu Santo Bay. He recommended, 
therefore, that the suggestion of Palacios should be adopted 
without delay, and that an expedition should be sent out from 
Havana to reconnoiter the French settlement. In the meantime, 
all available naval forces should be made ready for action. The 
fi^'cM made no recommendation in regard to an expedition from 
Vera Cruz, as he understood that Palacios had suggested one 
from Havana as preferable.^" On the following day the special 
session of the viceroy's advisory council was held, and the rec- 
ommendations of the fiscal adopted." The viceroy accordingly 
ordered, on the same daj^ that Admiral Palacios should select 
a suitable person to proceed to Havana, where a vessel and all 
necessary supplies would be furnished for the proposed expe- 
dition. All arrangements were left in the hands of Palacios, and 
the other officials at Vera Cruz were instructed to cooperate 
with him to the fullest extent.^- 

A week later the order of the viceroy had reached Vera Cruz 
and preparations were begun. Two pilots of the windward 
squadron were called upon to make the expedition. Juan En- 
riquez Barroto, chief pilot of the frigate Nuestra Senora de la 
Soledad, was chosen as leader. He was an experienced draughts- 



^Palacios to the viceroy, Oct. 27, 1685, in Testimo de los Autos, y dili- 
gencias fechas, 14-16. 

'"Respuesta fiscal, Nov. 4, 1685, ihid.. 18-21. 

"Ibid., 21-24. 

'^Decree of the viceroy, Nov. 5, 1685, ibid.. 24-29. 



40 University of Texas Bulletin 

man as well as a practical pilot, and a man of excellent ability. 
Antonio Romero, associate pilot of the flagship of the squadron, 
was appointed to accompany Barroto, as he had made many voy- 
ages from Havana to Apalache, and was personally familiar with 
that portion of the route to be followed. With instructions 
from Palacios for their guidance, the two pilots left Vera Cruz 
in a private vessel on November 21, bearing orders from the 
viceroy to the governor of Havana for the fitting out of a ship 
for the voyage. Palacios continued to urge the necessity for 
sending out another expedition from Vera Cruz, as he had or- 
iginally suggested, but he was unable to find a suitable person 
to place in command of it, and nothing was done in the matter. 
Instead it was decided to supplement the expedition from Ha- 
vana by a search by land from the northern frontier of New 
Spain. It was chiefly upon the efforts of Barroto and Eo- 
mero, however, that the viceregal authorities based their hopes 
for a speedy discovery of the colony that had been founded by 
La Salle.^' Leaving the situation in New Spain at this point, 
it will be necessary to make a lengthy digression in order to 
note the effect produced in Spain by the news of the French in- 
trusion, and to describe the measures that were taken by the 
home government to guard its colonial dominions from the new 
peril. 

Action in Spain. — The first reports from Mexico reached Spain 
about the middle of March, 1686. They were conveyed by the 
special ship (navio de aviso) despatched by the general of the 
galleons from Havana, and consisted of letters from Admirals 
Palacios and Astina^* and the governor of Havana. These let- 
ters related briefly the facts brought out in the declarations of 
the pirates at Vera Cruz, and told of the arrangements that had 
been made up to December 31 for the expedition that was to 
search for the French. ^^ The matter first came before the Coun- 



"Ihid., 48-76, passim. 

"Astina had succeeded to the command of the armada de 'harlovento 
upon the death of Andres de Ochoa y Zfirate. 

"Palacios to Oreytia, Nov. 17, 1685, 8 pp.; Astina to the king, Nov. 18, 
1685, 3 pp.; Munibe to the king, Dec. 31, 1685, 2 pp. (all in Mexico, 
61-6-20). The viceroy apparently made no report until the following 
April after the return of the first reconnoitering expedition. 



Spanish and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 41 

cil of the Indies at its meeting of Mkrch 27, but action was de- 
layed, in accordance with the usual routine, until a relator could 
examine the documents, and present a summary of them to the 
Junta de Guerra, to which body the question was naturally as- 
signed. 

The news of the invasion of Espiritu Santo Bay reached Spain 
at a time when relations with France were again in a critical 
state, and added a fresh complication to a situation that was al- 
ready strained almost to the breaking point. The immediate 
difficulty between the two countries at this time had come as 
an aftermath of the brief war of 1683-1684. Shortly after the 
declaration of hostilities in October, 1683 the king of Spain, fol- 
lowing the usual custom of reprisals, had issued a decree con- 
fiscating the property of French subjects throughout the Spanish 
dominions, including goods belonging to French merchants in 
the incoming fleet from America to the value of five hundred 
thousand pesos. ^^ After peace was restored by the truce of 
Ratisbon, Louis XIV had continued to demand the restitution 
of this amount, and his threats to collect the money by force 
had kept Spain in a constant state of alarm. In the- general 
atmosphere of suspicion and distrust, there was little disposi- 
tion on the part of Spanish officials to doubt the truth of the 
reports that had been received from Mexico, showing that the 
French had carried out their old plans of seizing some portion 
of the mainland in the Gulf region. It seemed most logical to 
officials in Spain, as it had to those in Mexico, that such a de- 
sirable locality as that of Espiritu Santo Bay should have been 
chosen by the French as the scene of their new aggression. At 
first it seems to have been the general impression in Spain that 
the reported colony must have been the work of the French cor- 
sairs, headed by Grammont, for it was expected that Louis XIV 
would follow the same secret policy that he had adopted in the 
case of Santo Domingo. A few days after the arrival of the 



"The order for the embargo was issued on Nov. 28, 1683 (consulta 
of the Council of the Indies, Dec. 1, 1683; Indiferente General, 141-3-4). 
The cedula ordering the confiscation of the property of all Frenchmen 
In America was dated Dec. 13, 1683 (Guadalajara, 66-6-6). 



42 University of Texas Bulletin 

official reports from Mexico, however, the Council of the Indies 
received a letter from a trustworthy person in Cadiz, who stated 
that he had received private advices from Paris to the effect that 
about a year before one thousand families had been sent out 
by the king of France for the purpose of foundinf? a new colony 
in America. This additional news threw new light upon the 
reports from Mexico, and left little doubt in the minds of the 
royal officials that an open invasion of Spain's colonies had 
been inaugurated by the French crown itself, the fi)-st move 
of w^hich was the founding of La Salle's colony on Espiritu 
Santo Bay." 

The great alarm felt in Spain is clearly shown by the pro- 
ceedings of the Junta de Guerra at its session of April 2. The 
occupation by the French of such an important place as Es- 
piritu Santo was characterized as a menace which threatened the 
safety of the Indies and of the whole Spanish empire. Al- 
though the Junta was confident that the viceroy, Marquis of 
Laguna, had already done all in his power to protect the royal 
dominions, it feared that the forces at his disposal were not suf- 
ficient to enable him to expel the French in case they had forti- 
fied their settlement. It was necessary, therefore, that rein- 
forcements should be sent from Spain without a moment's delay 
in order to "pluck out the thorn that had been thrust into the 
rery heart of America. "^^ The Junta then proposed that two 
frigates should be fitted out with the greatest possible number of 
troops and arms, and sent to New Spain, In order to allay the 
suspicion of the French, these vessels should go in the guise of 
convoys for the annual fleet that was soon to sail, bearing the 
new viceroy. Count of Monclova, who had recently been ap- 
pointed to the government of New Spain. The Junta fully 



"Consultas of the Junta de Guerra, April 2 and 8, 1686; Mexico, 
61-6-20. 

"'Tor todas estas consideraciones, y ntras muchas que se ofrecen a 
la Junta y porque prepondera la ymportancia deste negoclo conio el nais 
critico y en el que ee abentura la Conserbacion de las Yndias y de toda 
la Monarquia de V. Magd. en cuyo pronto remedio conviene ganar la3 
eras, para desarraygar esta Espina que se a Yntroducido en el Corazon 
del Cuerpo de la America." (Consulta of April 8, 1686, p. 7; Mexico, 
61-6-20). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 43 

realized that the dispatch of even this meager aid would seriouslj^ 
strain the resources of the monarchy, and would necessitate the 
postponement of an expedition that was on the point of leavinjr 
for the Isthmus of Darien to relieve that region from the ravages 
of pirates and hostile savages. It believed, however, that the 
expulsion of the French from Espiritu Santo Bay was a matter 
of paramount importance, and that all other plans should be 
subordinated to its success. The Junta recommended, in con- 
cluding its report, that the new viceroy should be authorized to 
use all available forces to destroy the French colony, even dela.y- 
ing the return of the fleet if necessary, and that a fort should 
be built at Espiritu Santo if such a step seemed necessary in 
order to maintain the just rights of Spain.^^ 

While the Junta de Guerra was drawing up its recommenda- 
tions for the king, the Council of the Indies w^as endeavoring 
to ascertain the whereabouts of Martin de Echagaray, whose 
project to explore Espiritu Santo Bay had suddenly taken on 
still greater importance. -° The pilot was located in Cadiz, and 
was at once summoned to Seville to make a report as to the 
status of his enterprise, and to give any information that he 
might possess concerning the bay which the French were be- 
lieved to have occupied. Echagara.y was obliged to confess at 
the outset that he had been unable to carry out his agreement 
with the crown. His failure, he explained, was due to the omis- 
sion from the draft of the royal cedula of the clause exempting 
his goods from duties in Florida and Mexico, and the conseciuent 
refusal of his financial supporters to supply the funds for the 
undertaking. He was still willing to carry out his project if 
the necessary money could be obtained. In regard to the Bay 
of Espiritu Santo, he stated that he had never visited it per- 
sonally, but had learned all that he knew concerning it from 
various Indians in the mission at Apalache. From his general 
knowledge of the region, however, he undertook to draw a map 
showing the general situation of the bay. An examination of this 



"Ibid., 1-9. 

"The secretary of the Council of the Indies to Pedro de Oreytia, 
president of the Casa de la Contratacion, April 2, 1686 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 



44 



University of Texas Bulletin 



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sK 


7\\ ^ / 7 'V- 


\ 


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^ i 4/ / 




/ 


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Echagaray's Map of North America^ 1686. (Tracing from photo- 
graph of original in A. G. I., Seville: Mexico, 61-6-20.) 



Spanisli and (French Bivalry in Gulf Region 45 

rude sketcli, which is reproduced on the opposite page, will show 
concretely the meager knowledge possessed by the Spaniards con- 
cerning the interior of the North American continent. The two 
branches of the "Rio de Canada" or St. Lawrence River are 
made to take their rise in one large inland lake. Two rivers are 
shown leading southward from this lake to the Gulf of Mexico, 
both emptying into Espiritu Santo Bay, also called, according 
to Echagaray, "Misipipi." Eehagaray said that La Salle had 
probably reached the great interior body of water, had dis- 
covered the channel of one of the rivers flowing toward the 
south, and, following its course, had inevitably emerged in the 
Gulf at Espiritu Santo Bay. If the French had settled in that 
region, he said, it was readily apparent that they would soon 
make themselves masters of the whole Gulf of Mexico, and de- 
stroy the commerce of the Indies.-^ 

This supposedly expert advice was to be the only direct benefit 
resulting from Echagaray 's ambitious scheme. The pilot's pen- 
niless condition made it clear that nothing further was to be ex- 
pected from his efforts, and that any measures taken to clear 
up the question of the French colony would have to be carried 
out by the crown itself. Although Echagaray made further ef- 
forts to raise money for his undertaking, he met with failure, 
and soon fell back into the obscurity that had enveloped him be- 
fore he made his proposals to the king.-- His opinion in regard 
to the menacing location of the French colony at Espiritu Santo 
Bay, however, served to confirm the conclusions of the royal 
officials, and it was decided that no chances should be taken 
in the matter, but that reinforcements should be sent to New 



^^Report of Echagaray, accompanied by his map, dated April 20, 1686, 
3 pp.; Echagaray to Oreytia, April 22, 1686, 3 pp.; Oreytia to Otalora, 
April 9 and 22, 1686, (all in Mexico, 61-6-20). 

"The latter history of Echagaray is not known to the writer. One 
reference has been found to him, however, a few years. later. On the 
margin of a report of the Council of the Indies recommending Echaga- 
ray for the rank of capitdn de mar y guerra for the duration of his 
voyage, there is an annotation, which reads as follows: "This captain 
went to Cadiz, and up to this time, Sept. 6, 1691, he has not taken out 
the patent; it is not known whether he is dead or alive (Consulta of 
Aug. 23, 1685, Indiferente General, 147-5-28). 



46 University of Texas Bulletin 

Spain, as had been suggested, to drive out the foreign intrud- 
ers. This action might be taken, it was pointed out, without vio- 
lating the terms of the truce of Ratisbon, for the French had no 
rights whatever in territory that belonged to the king of Spain."' 

No reasons having been found to alter the plans recommended 
by the Junta de Guerra as embodied in its formal report of April 
8, the king duly adopted the suggestions made, and issued orders 
to send the proposed reinforcements to New Spain. Formal in- 
structions were drawn up for the new viceroy, Monclova, on 
June 25. Upon arriving at Vera Cruz he was to consult with 
the pilots who had been sent out to reconnoiter the Gulf coast, 
and in view of their report was to take immediate steps to ex- 
pel the French, building a fort at Espiritu Santo if such ac- 
tion seemed necessary.-* 

In the meantime, while the foregoing measures had been under 
discussion, the controversy with France over the restitution of 
the five hundred thousand pesos had reached an acute stage. 
The offer of the Spanish government to compromise the dif- 
ficulty by the payment of half the value of the confiscated goods 
had been rejected by Louis XIV, and a powerful fleet had been 
despatched to Cadiz. This fleet, the French ambassador de- 
clared, would be kept before Cadiz until the money was paid, 
and until French merchants were admitted to the same privi- 
leges in regard to Spanish colonial trade as those enjoyed by 
the English and the Dutch. Spain was in a practical state of 
blockade, and once more was forced to bow before the demands 
of the French monarch. A satisfactory agreement was reached 
in May, and a promise was given by the French ambassador that 
the fleet would be withdrawn. In spite of this adjustment of the 
difficulty, the French still maintained their threate-ning attitude, 
and the Spanish government decided to suspend the sailing of 
the regular fleet for that year. Instead only three vessels were 
made ready to bear the new viceroy to his post, and to carry 



"Juan Cruzado de la Cruz, pilot-major of Seville, to Oreytia, April 20, 
1686, 2 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-20). 

=*The king to the Count of Monclova, June 25, 1686 (Indiferente Ger- 
eral, 140-2-8, 5 pp.); Monclova to the king, Dec. 30, 1686 (Mexico, 
61-6-20). 



Spanisli and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region -ii 

the quicksilver indispensable for the operation of the mines of 
New Spain. Two of these vessels were frigates, and their os- 
tensible purpose was to serve as convoys for the unarmed sloop. 
Their real mission, however, was to reinforce the armada which 
the Count of Monclova was instructed to send forth against La 
Salle's colony at Espiritu Santo Bay.-^ 



=°Copia de memoria q. D. Pedro Ronquillo presento al Rey Britanico 
dandole quenta de lo q. ha pasado en orden al ajustamto. de los 500,000 
pesos del Indulto, etc., June 30, 1686 (Archive de Simancas, Legajo 
3961) ; Consulta of the Council of State, April 26, 1686 nbid.) ; consulta 
of the Junta de Guerra, June 18, 1686 (A. G. I., Mexico, 61-6-20). 



48 University of Texas Bulletin 

CHAPTER III 
SPANISH DIPLOMACY IN ENGLAND, 1686 

Having adopted the only measures of defense which the meager 
resources of the monarchy permitted, Spain next resorted to 
diplomacy in an effort to frustrate the newly-revealed designs 
of Louis XIV in America. In her extremity, it was to England 
and the Catholic James II that she turned for aid. 

As long as the mereenarj'- Charles II had remained on the 
English throne, Louis XIV had succeded in keeping England 
aloof from the growing European opposition to his aggressive 
policy. The accession of James had seemed to offer no obstacle 
to the continued predominance of French influence. The change 
of monarchs, however, had brought a ray of hope to Spain, for 
it was believed that the religious beliefs of the new king would 
cause him to regard with favor the nation which had always 
stood as the greatest champion of Catholicism. The Spanish an^- 
bassador to England, Pedro Ronquillo, had therefore been in- 
structed to cultivate the friendship of the king, and assure him 
of Spain's close alliance and support.^ 

At the beginning of his reign James had shown a marked de- 
termination to be independent of France, and had manifested 
a very favorable attitude toward Spain.^ Throughout the course 
of the controversy over the 500,000 pesos' worth of confiscated 
goods, he had condemned the aggressive methods of the French, 



'Consulta of the Council of State, March 20, 1686 (Archivo de Siman- 
cas, Legajo 3960). 

^Ambassador Ronquillo reported a number of incidents to show the 
independent attitude of James. He said the story was told that Louia 
had sent an envoy to warn the English king that, if he (James) did 
not accept the friendship that was offered him, great sums of money 
would be spent in stirring up trouble in England. James was reported 
to have stopped the speech of the envoy, telling him that he feared no 
one. The refusal of James to give the French ambassador precedence 
at the coronation ceremonies was regarded by Ronquillo as another indi- 
cation of the waning French influence (Ronquillo to the king, April 
2, 16S5, iMd.). 



Spanish and 'French Rivalry in Gulf Region 4!J 

and had used his influence with Louis XIV to dissuade the lat- 
ter from atteniptiniii: to execute further designs at the expense 
and hiimlliution of Spain/ Ronquillo had apparently succeeded 
in securing a considerable degree of intimacy with James, and 
the latter had assumed the pose of a staunch friend of the Span- 
ish sovereign. Upon one occasion, Eonquillo reported, the king 
became almost angry at the idea that any one should suspect 
him of being capable of doing anything to injure the interests 
of Spain.* 

In spite of the friendly attitude which James had manifested 
toward Spain, the Spanish government was extremely uneasy 
lest the continued intrigues of the French monarch and the in- 
fluence of some of the English ministers might cause a change 
in his policy.^ The beginning of negotiations between England 
and France for a treaty which concerned their respective pos- 
sessions in America increased the anxiety of the Spanish court. 
In January, 1686, Ronquillo had reported the prolonged stay 
in England of the first intendant of marine of France, M. de 
Bonrepaus, and had expressed his fear that Bonrepaus's mis- 
sion was to try to disturb the good relations of England and 
Spain. Although, Ronquillo said, he had been assured that the 
sole motive of the intendant 's visit was to secure some agree- 
ment in regard to the commerce of the French and English col- 
onies in America, he had learned that the proposed treaty was 
intended to insure peace between the two countries in America 
even though they might be at war in Europe. Ronquillo feared 
that the negotiations forebode some aggressive move by the 
French in America.^ This treaty had been made the subject of 
several audiences between Ronquillo and the king of England, 
James had assured the ambassador that England had no al- 
liance with France; that the proposed treaty dealt only with 
boundaries in America, peace between their colonies there, and 
adjustment of disputes in colonial trade. It contained nothing 



^Consulta of the Council of State, Aug. 12, 1686 (Simancas, Legajo 
3961). 

'Consulta of the Council of State, April 30, 16S6, iMd. 

'Ronquillo to the king, Jan. 21, 1686, ibid. 

^lUd. 

4-s. 



50 University of Texas Bulletin 

whatever, he said, detrimental to the interests of Spain. '^ In 
spite of repeated assurances to this effect, the Spanish govern- 
ment still feared that the treaty was merely a cloak to hide the 
designs of the French upon Spain's colonies, and believed that 
its real object was to insure the nentrality of England, leaving 
Louis XIV unhampered in his plans of aggression in America. 
Such were the general relations between Spain and England in 
the spring of 1686, when the Spanish court turned to James II 
in its endeavor to stem the tide of French encroachment revealed 
by the news of the founding of La Salle's colony at Espiritu 
Santo Bay. 

On May 24, 1686, a dispatch was drawn up for Ronquillo, 
notifying him officially of the occupation of Espiritu Santo by 
the French. He was instructed to complain to the English king 
of this new act of violence on the part of France, and at the 
same time to protest once more against the conclusion of the 
so-called treaty of commerce, which the Spaniards believed was 
designed to insure the success of such an invasion as had just 
been reported from Mexico.^ 

Before these instructions reached England, Ronquillo had al- 
ready received independent advices from America, which con- 
firmed his opinion that the French were planning some move 
in that quarter. His information came from one Mateo Guarin, 
an adventurous privateer in the service of Spain, who had been 
made a prisoner in Jamaica. Guarin had forwarded to Ron- 
quillo certain intercepted correspondence intended for the 
French governor of Tortuga and Santo Domingo. These doc- 
uments revealed a plan for the conquest of the whole island of 
Santo Domingo. They consisted of letters from Seignelay, the 
French minister of marine, to Governor De Cussy, and of other 
private correspondence. In the official dispatches of Seignelay, 
De Cussy was notified of the king's desire that the French 
corsairs should cease their attacks upon the Spanish fleets and 
galleons. Their depredations, the minister explained, reacted 



'Ronquillo to the king, April 15, 1686; consiiltas of the Council of 
State, April 30 and May 16, 1686 (Archivo de Simancas, Legajo 3961). 

'Ronquillo to the king, June 24, 1686, summarizing royal order of May 
24, p. 12 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 



Spanisli and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 51 

severely upon the interests of French merchants, and must be 
stopped. If they conld be controlled in no other way, De Cnssy 
was to mobilize them for the conquest of the Spanish settlements 
in Santo Domingo. To this end he was ordered to send in a 
report of Spanish defences, and the number of men that could be 
raised for such an invasion. No definite action was to be taken, 
however, until further orders should be sent from France, and 
a commander-in-chief appointed to direct the operations. The 
king was unwilling for anything to be done just at that time in 
contravention to the terms of the truce of Katisbon." 

Ronquillo lost no time in acquainting James with the receipt 
pf this alarming intelligence, and furnished him with an ex- 
tract of the correspondence sent by Guarin. The king read the 
extract in Ronquillo 's presence with great interest, and then 
asked the ambassador if he believed the report to be true. Ron- 
quillo quietly replied that the extract had been made from the 
intercepted correspondence of the French government itself. At 
this statement, the king's eyes took on fire, and he told Ron- 
quillo that the integrity of the Spanish possessions in America 
was just as vital to the interests of England as to those of Spain 
herself. If the French should gain possession of the whole is- 
land of Santo Domingo, he said, the safety of the fleets would 
be endangered, and commerce ruined. Ronquillo took advantage 
of this opening to refer once more to the treaty of commerce 
then being negotiated. Although, he observed, the king of Spain 
would of course believe the king of England when the latter de- 
clared that the treaty contained no provisions injurious to the 
interests of Spain, it was nevertheless impossible not to be af- 
fected by the general suspicion that it harbored some hidden de- 
sign on the part of the French. If the treaty really dealt with 
nothing more than matters ' of trade and the adjustment of 
boundaries in America, it should be made public, if for no other 
reason than to quiet the anxieties of those merchants whose in- 
terests were involved in the matter. The king hesitated for 
an instant at these remarks, and then replied that there was 
nothing more to the treaty than he had already stated, but that 

'Translated copies of this correspondence may be found in Testimo de 
los Autos, y diligencias fechas, pp. 122-127 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 



52 University of Texas Bulletin 

the negotiations were not far enough advanced to warrant any 
public announcement being made. Ronquillo need have no fear, 
he said, that the treaty would favor any designs of the French 
in America, for any advance by Louis XIV in that quarter would 
be the signal for an immediate declaration of war. James then 
read again, in very bad humor, the extract concerning Santo 
Domingo, and said to Ronquillo : 

I am going to church now. Understand, and write thus to my 
nephew, that I shall never be willing for the king of France to 
possess anything more in America than he has today ; and tell 
him, for the love of God, to try to raise forces enough to compel 
the king of France to keep his promises. You see that I am 
trying to do the same thing, as well as to quiet my dominions. 
I realize how greatly I am hindered by the continual intrigues 
of the French, but it is necessary to make every effort to over- 
come such difficulties.^^ 

Shortly after this audience, which was held early in June, 
Ronquillo received the official dispatches from Spain notifying 
him of the French occupation of Espiritu Santo Bay. Ronquillo 
seemed to have some doubt as to the truth of the report, for he 
evidently shared the generally prevalent opinion in regard to 
the impracticability of La Salle's schemes. He also believed 
that La Salle had returned to America by way of Canada, and 
planned to reach Louisiana from the north. On June 24 Ron- 
quillo wrote his government that he had been unable to secure 
any confirmation of the report that the French had occupied the 
"Island" of Espiritu Santo, although he himself had foreseen, 
he said, that La Salle's exploration on the Mississippi, or Seigne- 
lay. River would eventually reach that region. According to 
the available French accounts of his activities, reaching up to 
1682, it appeared that La Salle had advanced a distance of five 



"'Ronquillo to the king, June 10, 1686, pp. 6-10 (Mexico, 61-6-20), 
enclosing copy of the extract concerning Santo Domingo; consulta of 
the Junta de Guerra, Aug. 9, 1686, 4 pp. (ibid.). 

Ambassador Ronquillo was sorely embarrassed at this time by laclc 
of funds, and sent in every letter to his government a constant appeal 
for money. In the letter of June 10 he said that, if the amount he had 
asked for did not arrive soon, he would be forced to abandon the court, 
and would find difficulty in maintaining himself even in the meanest 
village in England. 



Spanisli and French Eivalry in Gulf Region 5;] 

hundred leagues, Irat much of the journey had been possible only 
in small boats, which had to be carried over portages at fre()uent 
intervals. "When La Salle had left Pai-is, Ronquillo said, a year 
and a half before, it was reported that the frigate in which he 
had embarked had left him at the port of Montreal, the most 
advanced outpost of the French settlements in Canada. From 
Montreal to Espiritu Santo, it was believed that the seas were 
very dangerous, and that the rivers were navigable only in small 
boats. There seemed little to be feared, therefore, from his ac- 
tivities. Since the "Island" of Espiritu Santo was such an im- 
portant place, however, Ronquillo suggested that all details con- 
cerning its occupation should be sent to him, so that he might 
be in a better position to prove to the English king that the treaty 
with France was very undesirable, and that the activities of 
La Salle were useless to the French and of no danger to the 
dominions of Spain. ^^ These statements of the Spanish am- 
bassador throw much light ux)on the indifferent attitude of 
Spain toward La Salle and his schemes before the real nature 
of his enterprise was known. They show how successful La 
Salle had been in concealing his plans from the outside world. 
They also explain to a great extent the failure of Ronquillo to 
share the anxiety of his government in the matter, although he 
was to spare no efforts to carry out the instructions that had 
been sent him to enlist the aid of England against the French. 
On June 30 Ronquillo presented a memorial to the king of 
England, formally notifying the latter of the news that had been 
received in Spain in regard to the seizure of Espiritu Santo Bay. 
He asked for the support of England against this new proof of 
French perfidy, and stated that he was instructed to transmit 
the reply of the king to his sovereign without delay. ^- A few 
days later he obtained a personal interview with James. In em- 
phatic terms Ronquillo pointed out the danger that would fol- 



^'Ronquillo to the king, June 24, 1686, pp. 12-14 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 
Ronquillo's request for fuller information was granted. On August 9 
the Junta de Guerra ordered an extract of all documents relating to 
La Salle's colony to be sent to Ronquillo (Mexico, 61-6-20). 

•-Copia de memoria q. D. Pedro Ronquillo presento al Rey Brit^nico. 
June 30, 1686 (Simancas, Legajo 3961). 



54 University of, Texas Bulletin 

low from the occupation by France of snch a strategic region 
as ]^Jspiritu Santo. The French would be in a position to threaten 
not only all of New Spain, but the English possessions in Ameri- 
ca as well. The king apparently was much impressed by Ron- 
quillc's arguments. The conversation was then brought around 
to the inevitable subject of the treaty between England and 
France. The ambassador endeavored once more to show the king 
that the treaty was merely an artifice on the part of France 
to further her schemes in America, as she would doubtless main- 
tain that it covered all of her possessions on that continent, 
whether justly or unjustly acquired. Ronquillo then went into 
a lengthy discussion of Spain's attitude toward foreign nations 
in America. The king well knew, the ambassador said, that all 
territory possessed by foreign monarchs in America had been 
acquired by virtue of treaties made with the king of Spain. Any- 
thing not covered by such treaties was a usurpation.^^ If some 
nation should effect the discovery of regions yet unknown, there 
might be some grounds for alleging a claim to them.^* But to 



"Spain had recognized the legality of the English possessions in 
America by the treaty of 1670. 

'*The Council of the Indies later took serious exception to this state- 
ment by Ronquillo. It thought that the words were very injudicious, for 
according to the papal bull of Alexander VI issued in 1493, it said, all 
lands west of the line of demarcation had been ceded to the Spanish 
crown. The French king had no right to enter any territory in America 
under any pretext whatsoever. No treaty had been made with him, as 
had been done with the English king in 1670, and his subjects wery 
even forbidden to trade in the Indies. The Council thought that Ron- 
quillo should be notified of the error he had made, and should be in- 
structed to correct any wrong impression that he might have given to 
the king of England. A copy of the papal bull and an extract of Ponce 
de Leon's discoveries in Florida were sent to Ronquillo as evidence of 
Spain's rights in America and in the region of Florida (which included 
Espiritu Santo Bay). The Council thought that the bull would have 
some weight with James, in view of his Catholic faith. (Consulta of 
the Council of the Indies, Sept. 16, 1686, Mexico, 61-6-20; Copia de con- 
sulta hecha por el Consejo de Indias de 22 de Sepre. de 1686, Simancas, 
Legajo 3961; Consulta of the Council of State, Oct. 22, 1686, ibid.) In 
this connection, Ronquillo replied on December 9 that there must have 
been some mistake in his cipher message, as he fully understood the 
provisions of the papal bull (Ronquillo to the king, Dec. 9, 1686, M6xico, 
61-6-20, 3 pp.) 



Spanisli and (Frendi Eivalry in Gulf Region 55 

put forth a claim to a region that bordered directly upon Spain's 
settled territory, and which belonged to Spain by all just rights,, 
even though its oeenpation had been deferred because of more 
pressing matters- — such a claim, Ronquillo asserted, was entirely 
contrary to justice and reason. The French claim to Espiritu 
Santo Bay, he continued, had no justification w^hatcvcr. That 
region had been explored repeatedly by Spanish subjects, and 
could not be claimed by any foreign nation on the pretext of 
discovery by its own subjects or of abandonment by Spain. In 
the light of these facts, Ronquillo concluded, the English king 
would be better able to perceive that the purpose of the French 
in making the proposed treaty with England was merely to in- 
jure the latter 's neutrality in America, for the chief regions in- 
eluded in the negotiations were New France, New England, and 
Louisiana. ^^ 

After listening attentively to the ambassador's remarks, the 
king made his reply. In regard to the rights of Spain in Amer- 
ica, he said, he fully agreed with Ronquillo. As far as the 
treaty w^ith France was concerned, there was no cause for alarm. 
It was not yet concluded or signed. Nothing had been done ex- 
cept to agree in a general way that it would be a good thing 
to" adjust the commercial interests of the French and English 
colonies. The king said that he would take especial care to pro- 
tect the interests of Spain and that, before he would agree to any 
provision in the treaty, he would exact a promise from the king 
of France to refrain from any measures that would prejudice 
Spanish rights in America. The interests of England and Spain,, 
he said, were identical on that point. Ronquillo, having instruc- 
tions to prevent the signing of the treaty by all possible means, 
pressed the matter still further, but the king merely repeated 
his previous assurances that Spain had nothing to fear from the 
negotiations. In Ronquillo 's report to his government, made on 
July 8, he expressed the hope that his conversation Avith the 
king, even if it did not prevent the signing of the treaty, wouia 
at least cause it to be confined to the territory that France al- 
ready occupied in America, and would exclude that which might 
be acquired at a later time.^*' 



''Ronquillo to the king, July 8, 1686, pp. 5-8 (Mexico, 61-6-20), 
'Ibid. 



56 University of Texas Bulletiji 

Although Eonquillo failed to gain his point in reference to 
the treaty, his efforts to induce James to use his influence to 
prevent the French from encroaching further upon the Spanish 
colonies were apparently to bear fruit.^" The ambassador evi- 
dently had difficulty, however, in convincing the king of the 
seriousness of La Salle's reported settlement. He reported on 
July 22 that the king had said, although he realized the im- 
portance of Espiritu Santo Bay, he did not believe that the 
French had occupied it ; that even if they had done so, their 
meager forces could easily be expelled. Eonquillo took this as 
a hint that it was necessary to drive out the French by force of 
arms, and the Council of State, in commenting upon the matter 
some weeks later, said that it would be well to remember the 
king of England's remark in case an excuse were needed to 
justify the vigorous measures that had been authorized to dis- 
pose of La Salle's settlement.^* In spite of the king's belief that 
La Salle's activities were sure to result in failure, he apparently 
made good his promise to warn Louis XIV against any attempt 
to extend his possessions in America at the expense of Spain, 
especially where Santo Domingo was concerned, and it was said 
that the French king had agreed to make no further move in 
that direction." This exchange of royal notes, if actually made, 



"The treaty was signed in December. On December 2.3, 1686, Ronquillo 
wrote to the king, enclosing a copy of the treaty. As he had feared, 
it contained several provisions which were objectionable to Spain. He 
suggested that the only way to remedy these matters was to makt 
another treaty with England covering the points in question (Ron- 
quillo to the king, Dec. 23, 1686, cited in consulta of the Council of 
State, Jan. 21, 1687, Archivo de Simancas, Leg. 3962). The Council of 
the Indies thought that the treaty was very prejudicial to Spain, and 
'Contrary to the treaty made between Spain and England in June, 1680. 
Articles two and seven of this treaty obligated England to aid Spain 
in case of war, not only in Europe, but also in America. Ronquillo was 
instructed to notify James II of the dissatisfaction of Spain in thfj 
matter, and to proceed at once to negotiate another treaty which would 
dispose of the question of England's neutrality in regard to America. 
The Council of State supported the recommendations of the Council of 
the Indies in their entirety (Council of State, Aug. 16, 1687, iUd.). 

^"Consulta of the Council of State, August 12, 1686, enclosing Ron- 
quillo's letter of July 22 (Simancas, Legajo 3961). 

"Ronquillo to the king, Aug. 19, 1686, 2 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-20). 



Spanisli and iFrench Rivalry in Gulf Region 57 

may have had nuieh influence upon the attitude of Louis XIV to- 
ward La Salle's enterprise, and may explain in part the failure 
to extend any further aid to the unfortunate colonists. There 
seems to be no good reason to doubt Ronquillo's claim that his 
diplomacy had been successful, and that the real safeguard 
against further French encroachments for the time being had 
been found, as Spain had hoped, at the court of the English 
monarch. 

Ronquillo continued to be active in securing all possible light 
on La Salle's expedition. On July 6 he had sent to Spain a 
copy of a relation which told of La Salle's early activities in 
America, his return to France, and his departure for the Mis- 
sissippi in 1684. On August 19 he forwarded another account, 
which described La Salle's misfortunes up to the time of Beau- 
jeu's return to France. From this latter document, Ronquillo 
said, one could easily perceive the little hope that was enter- 
tained in France for the success of La Salle. It led him to be- 
lieve more firmly than ever in the reports current in England 
to the effect that La Salle had not occupied Espiritu Santo Bay, 
and in the assurances that had been given by the king of France 
that no further aggressions would be made against the Spanish 
colonies. La Salle's enterprise, Ronquillo said, had already cost 
Louis XIV more than the discovery of America had cost Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, and he believed that the French monarch had 
no desire to invest further in the scheme.^'' In December Ron- 
quillo secured still another relation concerning La Salle's ac- 
tivities, together with a map showing his explorations and last 
voyage. In February, 1687 he forwarded to the viceroy of New 
Spain a copy of an official French relation which told of La 
Salle's vicissitudes on the Texas coast. It was to reach Mexico 
in good time to throw needed light upon the French colony. All 
of these additional sources of information seemed to corroborate 
the oft-expressed assurance of the king of England that La Salle 



"Ronquillo to the king, Aug. 19, 1686, 2 pp.; Ronquillo to the king. 
Oct. 28, 1686, 2 pp.; Copia de relacion hecha al Rei Xpnio tocante a la 
Bahia del Spiritu ssto, etc., which is probably the same relation that 
was sent to Spain on August 19 (all in Mexico, 61-6-20). 



58 University of Texas Bulletin 

had met with disaster, and that nothing further was to be ap- 
prehended from his colony.'^ 

In spite of the reassuring reports sent by Ronquillo fi om Eng- 
land, the Spanish government was not at ease as long as the 
slightest doubt remained in regard to the fate of La Salle and 
his followers. Indeed, further rumors that were received from 
America from time to time confirmed the fact of the continued 
existence of his colony. Spain, therefore, took no chances in 
the matter. Eepeated orders were sent to the officials of New 
Spain during the ensuing three years to spare no efforts to find 
the site of the French settlement and exterminate the invaders. 
This anxiety on the part of the king was to cause a revival of 
Spanish activities in America that had been unparalleled since 
the wrath of Philip II was visited upon the Huguenot colonists 
of Florida. As a result, no fewer than eleven distinct expedi- 
tions were to be sent out from Mexico and Florida to locate the 
elusive settlement on Espiritu Santo Bay. It will be thr purpose 
of the following chapter to trace in some detail the course of 
these expeditions, which were to effect the re-discovery of the 
coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and of the greater portion of the 
vast territory that lay between the Spanish settlements in Florida 
and those in New Mexico. 



='Ronquillo to the king, Dec. 9, 1686, 3 pp.; same to same, Jan. 20, 
1687. 1 p.; Copla de relacion hecha al Rei Xpmo tocante a la Bahia del 
Spiritii ssto, que remitlo el Sor D. Pedro Ronquillo . . . al Cond;3 
de la Monclova, etc. (Mexico, 61-6-20). 



Spunisli and French Eivalry in Gulf Region 59 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE Si'AXISII SEARCH FOR LA SALLE'S COLONY, 

1685-1687^ 

The first maritime expedition. — Before the Count of Mon- 
clova arrived in Mexico, bringing reinforcements and the direct 
authorization of the king for the expulsion of the French from 
Espiritu Santo Bay, the viceroy of New Spain, as will be re- 
membered, had already begun the search by land and sea for 
La Salle's settlement.- The pilots, Juan Enriquez Barroto and 
Antonio Romero, who had been chosen to reconnoiter the Gulf 
coast, left Vera Cruz on Nove-mber 21, 1685, with orders from 
the viceroy to the authorities at Havana for the equipping of a 
vessel for their voyage. They arrived at Havana on December 
3, and steps were immedi,ately taken by Andres de Munibe, act- 
ing military governor, to carry out the viceroy's instructions. 
As no royal vessel was available, it was found necessary to char- 
ter a private ship. After an inspection of all of the shipping 
in the harbor, a frigate with the lengthy name of "Nuestra Se- 
iiora de la Concepcion y San Joseph'' was selected as being 
most suitable for the proposed voyage. It was not in seaworthy 
condition, however, and a delay of several weeks ensued while 
the necessary repairs were being made. Provisions were taken 
on board for ninety days, several additional cannon were se- 



^The substance of this chapter and the following one were published 
in the Southwestern Historical Quarterly, xix, 323-369, under the title. 
"The Spanish Search for La Salle's Colony on the Bay of Espiritu Santo, 
16S.5-16S9." Considerable revision has been made in them since that 
publication. Previous to that article, very little had appeared in print 
on the events here related. Bancroft, in his North Mexican States and 
Texas. Vol. 1, devotes less than a page to the search for La Salle, and 
his brief account is almost wholly incorrect. Clark's Beginnings of 
Texas^ hitherto the most exhaustive study published in this field, adds 
little to Bancroft, and repeats most of the latter's errors. Fragmentary 
and inaccurate accounts of the maritime expeditions are given in 
Barcia, Ensayo CronoUgico de la Florida; Decada 18; and Cavo. 
Los Tres Siglos, ii. 70-73. 

'Supra, p. 38. 



60 University of Texas Bulletin 

cured, and a canoe was purchased, to be used in examining shal- 
low places along the coast. The governor furnished a crew of 
forty-two men, but this number was swelled to fifty-two by the 
voluntary enlistment of a number of adventurous characters, 
who offered to accompany the expedition without pay. Among 
these patriots was a well-known pilot, named Juan Jordan de 
Reina, who some years later was to play a prominent part in 
the establishment of the presidio of San Carlos de Austria on 
Pensacola Bay. He kept a diary of the voyage, which up to 
the present time is the only one that has been brought to light.^ 
It was no ordinary voyage upon which Barroto and Romero 
were about to embark. The readiness of private individuals to 
enlist without remuneration is sufficient proof of this fact. For 
more than a century the Gulf coast between Tampico and Apa- 
lache had been practically unfrequented by the Spaniards, and 
the little information that had once been possessed concerning 
it had long since been forgotten. Within that unknown gap 
lay the prospect of a sturdy fight with a foreign foe, and per- 
haps rich booty for those who dared search for it. Everything 
finally being in readiness, the vessel set sail on January 3, 1686. 
Detailed instructions had been drawn up by Admiral Palacios 
for the guidance of the pilots. They were ordered to proceed 
first to Apalache, where native pilots should be seci^red. Every 
indentation in the coast west of Apalache should be carefully 
examined, sounding should be made, and the position of the 
vessel noted at frequent intervals. Upon reaching the Apala- 
chicola River, they were to question the Indians in regai'd to a 
settlement of white men at the mouth of the Mississippi River, 
on Espiritu Santo Bay. As the Apalachicola was supposed to 
be only about forty leagues from this bay, great caution should 
be exercised after passing that river. They should proceed only 
at night, seeking the shelter of the land by day, in order to 
escape observation, as well as to question the natives concerning 
the French. Care should be taken to arrive at Espiritu Santo 



'The complete autos concerning the preparations for the voyage, both 
in Vera Cruz and in Havana, are contained in Testirao de los Autos, y 
diligencias fechas, pp. 77-105 (Mexico, 61-6-20). ' In them the most 
minute details are preserved. 



Spanisli and iFrench Rivalry in Gulf Region 61 

Bay under cover of darkness. Drawings should be made of the 
topography of the region, and every useful detail noted for the 
benefit of the attacking squadron that was to follow. The usual 
diary was ordered to be kept of each day's occurrences.* 

These instructions were adhered to as closely as possible. On 
January 17 the vessel was anchored in Apalache Bay, the pas- 
sage having been delayed by stormy weather. A few days later 
the acting lieutenant-governor of that region visited the ship. 
He warned the pilots not to place any confidence in the Indians 
at Apalachicola, as the latter had been angered by the recent 
action of the governor in driving out a number of English ad- 
venturers, who had been trading in that region. Two native 
pilots, said to be familiar with the coast^ were taken on board, 
and on January 30 the voyage was continued. The Apalachi- 
cola River was soon reached, but a convenient squall prevented 
the explorers from entering the river, and treating with the 
hostile inhabitants. On February 6 a bay was reached which 
was described by our diarist, Juan Jordan, as "the best bay I 
have ever seen in my life." This was the broad expanse of 
water known as Pensacola Bay. Its re-discovery by Barroto 
and Romero was to cause a revival of interest in this bay, which 
was eventually to result in its occupation by Spain. Here the 
pilots made their first attempt to obtain information from the 
Indians. A visit was made to the village of the Panzacolas, who 
received the Spaniards with great friendliness. In reply to the 
inquiries made, the Indians said that they knew of no settlement 
of white men in that region, although a large ship had entered 
the harbor for a short time in the previous year. They com- 
plained of the war that was being waged upon them. . by the 
Mobilas, and warned the Spaniards to be on their guard when 
reaching the territory of those Indians. 

On February 8 leave was taken of the Panzacolas. Two days 
later Mobile Bay was reached. It was found to be very capa- 
cious, but shallow and unsuitable for the navigation of large 
vessels. Here the expedition seems to have remained for sev- 
eral weeks, but no details of the sojourn are available. On 



^Instruccion y derrota que han de observar y guardar Juan Enn'quez 
Barroto y Antonio Romero, Nov. 13, 1685 (ibid.. 40-43). 



62 University of Texas Bulletin 

March 4 a large river was discovered, but it could not be en- 
tered on account of the great quantity of trees and driftwood 
which choked its mouth. It was called the Kio de la Palizada 
for this reason. A prominent landmark in the vicinity was 
christened Cabo de Lodo (Mud Cape). Little did the explorers 
realize that they had discovered the river for which they were 
seeking, but such was the case. They were now at the mouth 
of the Mississippi River. Their failure to recognize it as 
such, however, is not surprising. That great stream was sup- 
posed to empty into the excellent harbor of E.spiritu Santo Bay ; 
but no bay was to be seen, and a river whose channel was ob- 
structed by debris was not imagined to be the one which La 
Salle would have chosen as the site of his settlement. Thus the 
Mississippi, or the Palizada, as it was thenceforth to be known 
to the Spaniards for many years, was passed by as unworthy of 
examination. Just at this point, moreover, further exploration 
was interrupted by a severe storm, which drove the vessel out 
into the Gulf as far south as latitude twenty-two degrees. As 
food was running low^, it was thought unwise to attempt to re- 
turn to the Rio de la Palizada to continue the search, and the 
ship was accordingly directed toward Vera Cruz, where it 
arrived on March 13. Seventy days had elapsed since the de- 
parture from Havana. A large portion of the Gulf coast had 
been re-discovered, but in all of the distance traversed, no trace 
had been found of the French settlement and Espiritu Santo 
Bay.^ 

Although the voyage had failed to accomplish its object, Bar- 
roto and Romero were exonerated of any neglect of duty by Ad- 
miral Palacios, who assured the viceroy that they had followed 
their instructions, and had done all that was possible under the 
circumstances. In his report to the viceroy, Palacios stated 
that he believed that the expedition had approached very close 



''The foregoing account is based chiefly on the diary of Juan Jordan 
de Reina, dated March 16, 1686, and addressed to Governor Munibe of 
Havana (Mexico, 61-6-20, 10 pp.). The official diary kept by Barroto 
has not been found, although it is known that he kept one. General 
accounts of the voyage are given in letters of the viceroy and of Pala- 
cios to the king, dated April 3 and Sept. 6, 1686, respectively (ibid.). 



Spanisli and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 63 

to the French colony, for if the voyage had not been interrupt- 
ed, the Mississippi River and Espiritu Santo Bay would doubt- 
less have been reached some thirty leagues west of the Rio de 
la Palizada (!) He thought it advisable, therefore, to send 
out another expedition to complete the exploration of the Gulf 
coast. As it -was very difficult for ordinary vessels to navigate 
the shallow waters along the coast, he recommended that special 
boats, equipped with sails and oars, should be constructed for 
the next attempt." 

These suggestions of Palacios were favorably reported by the 
factor and the fiscalJ In the meantime, however, the whole 
situation had been changed by the arrival of the king's cedula 
of August 2, 1685, announcing the acceptance of Echagaray's 
proposal to explore the Gulf coast, and asking again for the 
long-delayed report on the provinces of Quivira and Teguayo.^ 
The cedula reached Mexico early in February. Incorporated 
with it, as has been seen, was the earlier order of- 1678, which 
had first given warning of Peiialosa's activities in France. A 
copy of Benavides's'memorial was also enclosed for the informa- 
tion of the colonial officials. The facts brought out by these 
documents from Spain seemed to furnish further corroboration 
of the recent revelations made by the pirates at Vera Cruz. It 
was naturally assumed that La Salle's settlement at Espiiitn 
Santo was merely the logical culmination of the designs of 
Peiialosa.^ The news that the king had asked for information 
concerning the region of Quivira and Teguayo soon became 
known, and it was to call forth the famous report of Father 
Alonso de Posadas, a high dignitary of the Franciscan order 
then living in the capital. Posadas had formerly served as 
missionary in New Mexico for many years, having been in that 
province during Peiialosa's term of office. He was therefore 



"Palacios to the viceroy, March 15, 1686, in Testimo de los Autos, y 
diligencias fechas, 161-162 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 

'Informe de Sebastian de Guzman y Cordova, March 21, 1686, ibid.. 
162-164; respuesta fiscal, March 26, 1686, iUd., 164-168. 

^Supra, p. 29. 

'Proof of this statement is furnished by a study of the general tenor 
of the documentary sources, and especially by the opening paragraphs 
of Father Posadas's report mentioned above. 



64 University of Texas Bulletin 

well qualified to draw up the memorial which he presented to 
the viceroy. In this well-written document he gave an account 
of the nature and extent of the kingdoms of Quivira, Teguayo, 
and Texas, of the Indian tribes that inhabited those regions, and 
of efforts that had been made from time to time to penetrate to 
their territory. AVhilc necessarily vague in many respects, the 
report furnished the best description that had yet been written 
of the unoccupied region lying to the north and east of the 
settled areas of New Spain, just as it is today one of the most 
important sources available for the early history of the south- 
western portion of the United States. It M'as to prove of great 
value to the viceregal officials in their deliberations concerning 
the unknown northern country.^*^ 

In order to settle the various questions that had been raised 
hj the arrival of the royal cedulas, as well as to take some action 
in regard to the proposal of Palacios for another exploration of 
the Gulf coast, a junta general was called for March 28. After 
a careful considcTation of the voluminous documents that had 
accumulated, the junta decided that, in view of the fact that the 
king had made arrangements with Echagaray for the explora- 
tion of Espiritu Santo Bay, no further action should be taken 
toward a second maritime expedition until a report could be 
received from the governor of Florida in regard to the status 
of Echagaray 's enterprise. Should it be necessary to complete 
the exploration of the Gulf coast without delay, the junta sug- 
gested, the windward squadron, if not otherwise engaged, might 
be given instructions to make a cruise for that purpose. By 
this means it might be possible to locate and destroy the French 
settlement, and avoid the costly expedition proposed by Palacios. 
The junta, in obedience to the second part of the royal cedula, 
also recommended that further efforts be made to secure ad- 
ditional information concerning the provinces of Quivira and 
Teguayo along the lines of Father Posadas 's report." 



^"A transcript of the Posadas memorial is in the collection of the 
University of Texas, copied from Historia, Vol. Ill, Archivo General y 
Piiblico, Mexico, D. F. A copy is also to be found in A. G. I., Papeles de 
Estado, Guadalajara, Legajo 1. 

''Junta general, March 28, 1686, in Testimo de los Autos, y diligencia« 
fechas, 168-174; the viceroy to the king, April 3, 1686, 8 pp. (Mex:co 
61-6-20). 



Spanisli and ^French Eivalry in Gulf Region 65 

All of the junta s recommendations were carried out, with the 
exception of the suggestion in regard to the windward squad- 
ron. The vessels of that fleet were not in a fit condition for 
the proposed cruise. A dispatch was sent to the governor of 
Florida on March 30, ordering him to report on the progress 
made by Echagaray. No further action was to be taken in 
regard to a second maritime expedition during the remainder of 
the term of Viceroy Laguna. Orders had already been issued, 
however, for searching expeditions by land, and an account 
of these journeys will now be given.^^ 

The s&arch from the northern frmitier. — The first suggestion 
for an expedition by land to discover the French settlement 
came also from Admiral Palacios. He had felt from the first 
that it would be unwise to depend solely upon the voyage from 
Havana, and when his efforts to secure a competent leader for 
a supplementary expedition from Vera Cruz proved unsuccess- 
ful, he conceived the plan of sending out a searching party 
along the coast north of Tampico. His persistence finally bore 
fruit, and the viceroy, on November 19, 1685, ordered the au- 



'"Shortly after the events related Admiral Palacios returned to Spain. 
While in Cadiz he made a statement in which he told of the results of 
the voj'age of Barroto and Romero, and reported the latest rumors from 
Havana regarding the French colony. The examination of Palacios was 
due to the suggestion of Ambassador Ronquillo. Ronquillo had sent 
copies of various journals of French explorations on the Mississippi 
River, including Marquette's journal, to the president of the Casa de la 
Contratacion, asking him to examine the pilots from America in ref- 
erence to La Salle's colony. Palacios summed up the results of the firsc 
maritime expedition in these words: "Today the whole coast of the 
Gulf of Mexico has been discovered and explored, with the exception of 
the strip from the mouth of the Rio de la Empalizada [sicl ... to 
that of the Rio de Tampico. In this distance of about one hundred 
leagues lies the Bay of Espiritu Santo, and west of it, the Rio Bravo 
and other rivers which may form sand banks [as mentioned by Mar- 
quette]." Palacios told of an attack that had been made by pirates 
upon St. Augustine, but which had been repulsed. The leader of the 
pirates had confirmed the news of La Salle's settlement, declaring that 
it was located about forty leagues up the Mississippi River, and that it 
was strongly fortified. (Statement of Palacios, Sept. 6, 1686. remitted 
by Oreytia to the Council of the Indies with letter of Sept. 28, 1686 
(Mexico, 61-6-20.) 



5-S. 



66 University of Texas Bulletin 

thorities at Vera Cruz to offer suggestions in regard to such an 
expedition.^^ 

In obedience to this order, the group of officials at Vera 
Cruz, including Admiral Palacios, the governor, and the rev- 
enue officials of the crown, began to study the matter. They 
were unable to find any one at Vera Cruz sufficiently familiar 
with the northern coast to lead an expedition. In the course of 
their investigations, however, they learned that on the north- 
em frontier certain salines had been discovered which were said 
to be situated on tributaries of rivers flowing into Espiritu 
Santo Bay, and that the town of Monterey, in the province of 
the Nuevo Reino de Leon, was reported to be only a few days' 
journey from this bay. They reported to the viceroy, there- 
fore, that the logical person to undertake the exploration by 
land was the governor of Nuevo Leon.^* The suggestion wa'-' 
adopted by the viceroy, and on January 20, 1686, the governor 
of Nuevo Leon, the Marquis of San Miguel de Aguayo, was in- 
structed to send out an expedition to search for the French. 
In order to aid the governor in his quest, orders were given to 
remit to Nuevo Leon the documents relating to the discovery 
of the salt deposits referred to by the officials at Vera Cruz, 
together with the instructions drawn up by Palacios for the 
voyage of Barroto and Romero. In this indirect fashion were 
the inhabitants of the distant province of Nuevo Leon to be 
enlisted in the search for La Salle's colony, thereby beginning 
a movement which was eventually to result in the colonization 
of the region known as Texas.^^ 

The viceroy's dispatch was not to reach Nuevo Leon until the 
summer of 1686. In the meantime a proposal was made to seek 
the French by way of the El Paso region. It came from Cap- 
tain Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, a noted soldier and explorer 
of New Mexico, who was then in Mexico endeavoring to interest 
the authorities in a project for the occupation of new territory 



"Palacios to the viceroy. Nov. 14, 1685, in Testimo de los Autos, y dili- 
gencias fechas, 48-50; decree of the viceroy, ibid., 59-60. 

"Auto de acuerdo, Dec. 3, 1685, iUd., 61-63. 

"Respuesta fiscal, Dec. 20, 1686, iUd.. 76; junta general, Jan. 20, 1685, 
aid., 77; auto de la junta de guerra en Monterey, June 11, 1686 (Mexico, 
61-6-20). 



Spanish and (French Rivalry in Gulf Region 67 

on the northern frontier. In 1684 Captain Dominguez, in eom^ 
pany with Father Nicolas Lopez, one of the founders of the 
missions of La Junta, at the junction of the Conchos and Rio 
Grande, had made an entrada into the Jumano country, on the 
plains of what is now western Texas. They had penetrated as 
far eastward as the "Nueces" River, probably the modern 
Concho of Texas, and had heard much of a great tribe of Indi- 
ans known as the Texas, living a few days' journey beyond the 
Jumano. Both Dominguez and Lopez were enthusiastic over 
the spiritual and temporal returns to be derived from an occupa- 
tion of that region, and had gone to Mexico immediately after 
their expedition to promote the enterprise. Just at this time 
the northern country was in a critical condition on account of 
the great uprising of the pueblo Indians of New Mexico, who 
had forced the Spaniards to abandon that province in 1680. 
The petitions of Lopez and Dominguez were coldly received by 
the viceregal authorities, who regarded their proposition as fan- 
tastic and inexpedient.^^ The arrival of the king's cedulas of 
1678 and 1685, and the consequent desire of the viceroy to learn 
more about the northern regions, afforded Dominguez an op- 
portunity to renew his proposals, which he was now to couple 
with an offer to seek for the French.^'^ Some time in April, it 
seems, he drew up a memorial for the viceroy. Dominguez said 
that Peiialosa had not been mistaken in regard to the wealth of 
the "lands of the East and North," for he himself could testify 
to their richness. He believed that, if Penalosa should carry 
out his plan of conquest, the king would not only lose .the chance 
of adding a valuable territory to his dominions, but would also 
be threatened with the loss of the mines of Parral. Dominguez 
therefore offered to lead a force of two hundred men to discover 
the "Sea of the North," explore the kingdoms of Quivira 
and Texas, pacify the natives, build forts, and, finally, learn 
whether the French had actuallj^ established themselves m the 



"Bolton, "The Spanish Occupation of Texas, 1519-1690," in the South- 
western Historical Quarterly, xvi, pp. 20-23; "The Jumano Indians in 
Texas, Texas State Historical Quarterly, xv, pp. 71-74. 

"Father Posadas had referred to Dominguez in his report as a man 
who could doubtless give much information concerning Quivira and the 
adjoining regions. 



68 University of Texas Bulletin 

northern country as had been reported. As security for the 
fulfillment of his promise, he pledged his own head.^^ This 
attempt on the part of Dominguez to further his own plans by 
appealing to the prevailing anxiety in regard to the French did 
not meet with success. The viceroy, beset by many problems 
of an urgent nature, manifested no interest in the occupation 
of the Jumano country or of the kingdom of the Texas. And as 
far as Dominguez 's offer to find the French settlement was con- 
cerned, the authorities were evidently content to rely for the 
time being upon the re-sults of the expedition that had been 
ordered made from Nuevo Leon. 

The viceroy's order to the Marquis of Aguayo, together with 
the accompanying documents, did not reach Nuevo Leon until 
June 8, almost six months after the original decree had been 
issued.^" Due to some oversight, the instructions given to Bar- 
roto and Romero were not enclosed, but only the documents con- 
cerning the discovery of the salines. The latter dealt with an 
asiento that had been granted to Alonso de Leon, a prominent 
soldier and explorer of Nuevo Leon, for the opening up of cer- 
tain salt deposits, which he had discovered on the Gulf coast 
north of Tampico.-° They threw no light whatever on the 
location of Espiritu Santo Bay. As Governor Aguayo could 
find no one at Monterey who knew anything about the bay in 
question, he resolved to call a council of the leading settlers of 
the province to discuss the viceroy's order. Couriers were de- 
spatched to the neighboring haciendas, and on June 11 some 
twenty-five or thirty frontiersmen assembled in the "royal 
houses" at Monterey. Although most of the settlers were sup- 
posed to be familiar with, the surrounding country through the 
frequent campaigns that had been made against the hostile 
Indians, it soon became clear that none of them knew anything 
about Espiritu Santo Bay. It was decided that the bay must 



^''Memorial de Juan Dommgiiez de Mendoza, no date, Guadalajara, 
67-3-32, 5 pp. The memorial is printed in Fernandez Duro's Penalosa, 
pp. 74-77. 

^"The order was repeated on May 1 (Auto de la junta de guerra en 
Monterey, June 11, 1686 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 

'"The asiento is given in Testimo de los Autos, y diligencias fechas, 
64-74. 



Spanish and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 69 

Ho toward the north or northeast, in an unknown region, inhab- 
ited by fierce tribes of hostile Indians.-^ The members of the 
council felt, however, that the danger from the French was too 
serious to admit of inaction, and they patriotically agreed to 
raise and equip a force of fifty men to make an expedition to 
the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. It was decided to assemble at 
the town of Cadereita on June 25, by which time the governor 
promised to name a competent leader. The route to be fol- 
lowed was also discussed. The expedition was to proceed 
directly to the junction of the Rio San Juan and the Rio 
Grande, and descend the latter river to the sea. In case the 
first expedition proved unsuccessful, it was agreed to make 
another attempt in October, Avhen the autumn rains should be 
over.-- 

The troops Were reviewed by Aguayo at Cadereita on June 
27. Alonso de Leon wasi appointed commander-in-chief. On 
the same day the expedition, numbering some seventy-five per- 
sons in all, set out on the march. A diary was kept by Captain 
Leon, showing the daily progress of the party. It proceeded 
first to the junction of the Rio San Juan and Rio Grande, and 
followed the latter river to the Gulf, as had been planned. 
Several days were spent in exploring the coast toward the 
south, but no signs of civilized habitations Avere seen. On July 



"According to the records of the council, the Rio Grande had barely 
been crossed, at a point near the town of San Gregorio, thirty-five 
leagues from Monterey. 

--Auto de la junta de guerra en Monterey, June 11, 1686 (Mexico, 
61-6-20) ; "Un Autor Anonimo," in Leon's Historia de Leon, pp. 296-29S 
(reprinted in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico., xxv, Genaro 
Garcia, editor). The proceedings of the junta were sent to the viceroj- 
with letter of June 15. The governor added that just after the council 
had adjourned, an Indian from a nearby hacienda had reported that a 
number of white men were living near the Rio Grande. Their settle- 
ment, the Indian said, was only ten day's journey from Monterey, and he 
promised to guide the Spaniards thither whenever they wished to go. 
Aguayo expressed the hope that he would soon be able to send definite 
information in regard to the Fre^'ch (Aguayo to the viceroy, June 15, 
1686, 10 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-20). These documents were forwarded to the 
king with letter of the viceroy, dated July 20, 1686. 



70 University of Texas Bulletin 

18 the return trip was begun, and on the 27th Cadereita was 
reached again without incident of note.-^ 

The Marquis of Aguayo was sorely disappointed at the fruit- 
less results of the expedition, and in the following February 
sent out another party under Leon to explore the Gulf coast 
north of the mouth of the Rio Grande. The Spaniards reached 
the Gulf coast, and followed it toward the north until further 
progress was barred by a great arm of the sea. They again 
returned to Nuevo Leon without a trace of the French settle- 
ment. Aguayo was forced to report to the viceroy that all of 
his diligence had been without avail.-* 

The second plan of the viceregal government to locate La 
Salle's settlement had thus resulted in failure. But at the same 
time that the search from Nuevo Leon was in progress, efforts 
were also being made to find the French by way of Florida. 
This attempt will next be considered. 

The search frorn Florida. — Although no definite instructions 
seem to have been given by the viceroy for a reconnoitering 
exiiocition from Florida, the governor of that province, Juan 
Marquez Cabrera, resolved to undertake one upon his own re- 
sponsibility. The immediate incentive for his action came as a 
result of fresh confirmation of the reports concerning the ex- 
istence of a French settlement in the Gulf region. In May, 
1686, a force of French corsairs made an attack upon the presi- 
dio of St. Augustine. They were taken prisoners by the Span- 
iards, and forty-five of their number summarily executed, 
among them their leader, Nicolas Brigaut. Before being put to 
death, Brigaut made a ''confession," in which he declared, 
among other things, that the French had really established a 



"Derrotero diario y demarcacion del viaje que yo, el General Alonso 
de Leon . . . hice al descubrimiento de la costa del Mar del Norte 
y boca del Rio Bravo, etc., (in Historia de Nuevo Leon, 297-310). Mas- 
sanet's account of the route taken by the expedition is incorrect (Cf. 
Carta de Don Damian Manzanet a Don Carlos de Sigiienza, translated 
in the Texas State Historical Quarterly, ii, p. 281; reprinted in Bolton, 
Bpanish Exploration in the Southwest. 353-354) Clark's Beginnings 
of Texas follows Massanet in this matter. 

"■Historia de Nuevo Leon. 310-311; the viceroy to the king, Dec. 30, 
1686 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 



Spanish and (French Rivalry iw Gulf Region 71 

fortified settlement on the J\iississippi River, near Esptritu 
Santo Bay. The town, he said, was situated about forty leagues 
above the mouth of the river; was garrisoned by three hundred 
soldiers; and protected by twelve cannon and a coasting vessel 
of twelve guns. Brigaut 's statement seemed to corroborate quite 
conclusively the declarations of the pirates who had been ex- 
amined at Vera Cruz, and Cabrera decided to send out an ex- 
pedition to search for the town that had been described.-' 

This determination on the part' of Cabrera was strengthened 
by the recent activities of the English colonists of Carolina 
among the Indians of Florida. Led by one "John Henry, "^ 
said to be the founder of the settlement of "St. George," Eng- 
lish traders had penetrated as far west as the Apalachicola 
River, and, according to Cabrera, were trying to reach Espiritu 
Santo Bay themselves. Two retaliatory raids had been made 
by the Spanish garrison at Apalache in the winter of 1685- 
1686, and the intruding traders had been forced to retire. Gov- 
ernor Cabrera believed that an exploring expedition toward the 
west would be useful, not only to effect the discovery of the 
French settlement, but also to strengthen the hold of Spain 
upon the unoccupied territory that lay between Florida and 
Mexico, now threatened by the English as well as by the French. 
He also hoped to realize the old dream of opening up an over- 
land route to the capital of New Spain, the distance to which 
he believed to be greatly exaggerated.^^ 

Preparations for the expedition were begun in June. Marcos 
Delgado, a veteran soldier of St. Augustine, well versed in the 
language of various Indian tribes, was selected as leader. He 
was given instructions to explore carefully all "provinces, lakes, 
rivers, and bays between Florida and Mexico. ' ' He was warned 
to take especial precautions against falling into the hands of 
the French. In the event of such a misfortune, he was ordered 



^Cabrera to the viceroy, July 22, 1686, in the Delgado Expediente, p. 
85 (Mexico, 61-6-20) ; statement of Palacios, accompanying letter of 
Oreytia to Otalora, Sept. 28, 1686 (ibid.). Supra, page 65, note 12. 

"Cabrera to the viceroy, March 29, 1686, Delgado Expediente, 17-20; 
same to same, June 28, 1686, iUd., 60-61; Cabrera to the king, Oct. 6, 168G„ 
ibid., 100-101. 



72 University of Texas Bulletin 

to destroy all of his papers except a letter from Cabrera to the 
viceroy, representinin- the expedition to be merely an innocent 
exploring enterprise. This letter was written for the specific 
purpose of deceiving the French. Cabrera evidently had some 
hope of opening np an overland route to the city of Mexico, for 
he offered a liberal reward to any of the soldiers who would 
actually deliver the letter to the viceroy.-^ 

Up to this time, according to the available evidence, no offi- 
cial notification had been received in Florida of Echagaray's 
proposed exploration. Shortly after Delgado had departed for 
Apalache, however, in the early part of July, Governor Ca- 
brera received the viceroy's dispatch of March 30, asking for a 
report on the progress made by Echagaray, and requesting any 
information that he (Cabrera) might have been able to acquire 
concerning the French. Cabrera replied that nothing had been 
heard of Echagaray, and that he had little confidence in the 
latter 's ability to carry out his proposals. He then told of his 
own action in sending out Delgado, and expressed the hope 
that he would soon be able to report something definite in re- 
gard to the settlement of the French.-® 

Delgado left Apalache, the starting point of his expedition, 
on August 28, with a force of thirteen soldiers and forty 
natives. A diary was kept of each day's journey, the details 
of which, although of much importance for the local history 
of Florida and Alabama, need not concern us here. The 
party traveled toward the northwest, through an unknown 
country, being compelled to blaze a ti-ail before them. After 
passing through several Indian villages, and receiving their 
submission, on September 17 they reached Miculasa, the first 
town of the Tabasa-^ tribe, more than one hundred leagues from 
Apalache. They were well received by the cacique, and on the 



^Instructions to Delgado, June 28, 1G86, ibid.. 62-63; Cabrera to the 
viceroy, June 28, 1686, ibid., 60-61; same to same, July 22, 1686, ibid., 
:84-87; Cabrera to the king. Sept. 24, 1686, ibid., 98-99. 

^^Cabrera to the viceroy, July 22, 1686, ibid., 84-90. The king's ccdula 
of August 2, 1685, ordering the governor of Florida to furrash Echaga- 
ray with the necessary men for his exploration, was not received by 
Cabrera until August 20, 1686 (ibid., 58-59.) 

^'I have retained the Spanish spelling of Indian names. 



Spanisli and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 73 

following day six other chiefs assembled to meet the Spaniards. 
Delgado presented them with gifts, and told them that he was 
on a mission of much importance for the service of the king. He 
asked them for provisions, but the Indians said they had none 
to give on account of the long drought. Following the advice of 
the chiefs, he despatched messengers to the Mobilas, giving notice 
of his approach, and asking for a supply of provisions. Already 
the scarcity of food was beginning to endanger the success of 
the expedition. In a letter to Governor Cabrera, written from 
lUiculasa on September 19, Delgado gave an account of his oper- 
ations up to that date, and expressed the fear that he would be 
unable to complete the exploration. He pointed out, however, 
that the expedition would have been well worth while if it ac- 
complished nothing more than to prove to the Indians that it 
was not necessary to flee upon sight of Spaniards. Four vil- 
lages, he said, had already promised obedience to the king, and 
treaties of friendship had been made through his mediation 
between several hostile tribes.^*^ 

While awaiting the return of the couriers from the Mobilas, 
Delgado sent a number of soldiers to the territory of the Tiqui- 
paehe, and succeeded in securing a small quantity of maize. He 
then proceeded westward, through a region "never before seen 
by Spaniards or Christians," He was soon joined by the cour- 
iers, accompanied by the chiefs of the Mobilas and of five other 
tribes.^^ These Indians at once endeavored to dissuade the 
Spaniards from continuing their journey. The chief of the 
IMobilas said that it would be impossible to proceed further on 
account of the lack of food. For many days, he said, his own 
people had been subsisting entirc'ly on shell-fish. In addition 
to this difficulty, he doubted whether the Spaniards would be 
able to pass through the territory of the Chatas, as a large num- 
ber of that tribe had heard of the expedition, and were waiting 
to attack it. With his food and gifts exhausted, and his men 
suffering from fever, Delgado decided to give up the attempt 
to reach Espiritu Santo Bay and Mexico. He turned over Ca- 



•"Delgado to Cabrera, Sept. 19, 1686, iUd., 68-70. The pueblos "re- 
duced" up to this time were Miculasa, Yaimamu, Pagna, and Cusachat. 
"These were the Thome, Ysachi, Yqusta, Canuca, and Guasa tribes. 



74 University of Texas Bulletin 

brera's letter to the Mobile chief, who promised faithfully to 
forward it to the viceroy. Before beginning the homeward 
march, Delgado made a final effort to obtain some information 
concerning the French. In reply to the questions of Delgado, 
the chief of the Mobilas, who was the chief spokesman for the 
Indians, said that he had never heard of any settlement of 
Spaniards, English, or other foreigners in the regions beyond 
his territory. Upon one occasion a ship had descended the river 
which flowed into Espiritu Santo Bay. A party went ashore, 
and were exploring the bay, when they were attacked by the 
Chatas, and more than half their number killed. The survivors 
retired to a small island in the mouth of the river, and had re- 
mained there until rescued by a ship which came in from the 
open sea. But all of this, the chief said, had happened many 
years before. Except for this uncertain tale, Delgado was un- 
able to obtain any evidence of the presence of foreigners in that 
region. He wrote Cabrera again on October 16, telling him of 
his fruitless quest. He stated, however, that he felt that the 
expedition had not been in vain. He had opened up a safe road 
as far west as the M]obilas, and had secured the submission of 
eleven tribes of Indians, thus extending Spanish influence over 
a wide region which had previously been unknown. The return 
trip was made in the latter part of October.^^ The expedition 
had lasted for more than two months, and had approached with- 
in a short distance of Mobile Bay. It constituted the first ex- 
tensive exploration made by the Spaniards in the western re- 
gion of Florida during the seventeenth century, and marked the 
revival of Spanish activity among the tribes of that district. 
For these reasons Delgado well merits a place among the early 
explorers of the southern portion of the United States. 

As soon as Governor Cabrera learned of Delgado 's failure to 
find the French, he began to make arrangements for another 
expedition to continue the search from the Mobilas. The oppo- 
sition of the revenue officials, however, and the consequent de- 
velopment of a feud which practically plunged the province into 



"^Delgado to Cabrera, Oct. 16, 1686, ibid., 80-83; "^errotero" of the 
expedition, dated Oct. 30, 1686, iUd.. 24-31. 



Spanish arid xFrench Rivalry in Gulf Region 75 

civil war, put a stop to further steps in tliis direction.^^ The 
suspension of Cabrera's plans may have also been due in part 
to the fact that the search had again been renewed from Mexico, 
following the arrival of the Count of Monclova. 

The second and third maritime expeditions. — The Count of 
Monclova arrived at Vera Cruz on September 13, 1686,^* bring 
ing the reinforcements that had been sent by the king to aid in 
expelling the French. As will be remembered, the new viceroy 
had been instructed to spare no efforts to locate their settlement, 
and to build a fort at Espiritu Santo if he deemed such action 
necessary. 

Monclova began at once to manifest that energy and zeal which 
characterized his whole term of office. Upon reaching Vera 
Cruz he summoned the pilots, Barroto and Romero, and obtained 
from them full particulars of their unsuccessful voyage. At 
about the same time word arrived from the Marquis ot! Aguayo, 
telling of the failure to find the French by way of Nuevo Leon. 
After discussing the situation with the officials at Vera Cruz, 
the viceroy decided that it would be highly advisable to com- 
plete the exploration of the Gulf coast. Since it was generally 
agreed that the coast line could not be thoroughly explored with 
any of the vessels available, orders were given for the construc- 



"'Cabrera to the king, Jan. 4, 1687, ibid., 15-16; Cabrera to the viceroy, 
Jan. 4, 1687, iUd.. 32-34; the oficiales reales of Florida to the Icing, Feb. 
20, 1687, 3 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-20); Pedro de Aranda y Avellaneda to the 
king, June 22, 1687, 15 pp. (iUd.) 

The oficiales reales were opposed to Cabrera's activities, they said. 
because of the arrangements that the king had made with Echagaray 
for the exploration of the Gulf coast without expense to the royal 
treasury. They accused the governor of squandering money uselessly 
for this purpose. Some time later Cabrera temporarily abandoned his 
office, and during his absence the government was assumed by Pedro 
de Aranda y Avellaneda, without any authorization from the king. 
"When Cabrera returned, he was imprisoned by Aranda, and treated 
with gr.eat indignity. He was afterwards restored and exonerated, and 
Aranda was banished from Florida for a number of years (Consulta of 
the Junta de Guerra, Aug. 31, 1692, 12 pp., Indiferente General, 147-5-29; 
oficiales reales to the king, March 8, 1689, 2 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21.) 

^^Oficiales reales of Vera Cruz to the king, Jan. 13, 1687 (Mexico, 
60-4-19). 



76 University of Texas Bulletin 

tion of two pirogues, propelled both by sails and oars, as Admiral 
Palacios had suggested. Within an unusually brief time, the 
two boats were finished. Each was equipped with forty oars, 
carried six cannon, and was manned by a crew of about sixty- 
five men. The boats were christened respectively Nuestra 
Seiiora del Rosario and Nuestra Seilora de la Esperanza. The 
former was placed under the command of Captain Martin de 
Rivas, with Barroto as chief pilot; the latter, under Captain 
Antonio de Iriarte, with Romero as pilot. Each vessel carried 
provisions for three months and a half. Nothing was overlooked 
in the equipment of this expedition, and it was probably the 
most carefully planned one of the series.^^ 

The instructions of Rivas and Iriarte ordered them to pro- 
ceed from Vera Cruz to Tampico, where they were to secure 
two natives to serve as pilots and interpreters. They were to 
examine carefully all rivers and inlets along the coast from Tam- 
pico to latitude thirty degrees, within which distance, it was 
confidently expected, Espiritu Santo Bay would be found. Pro- 
visions should be used sparingly, as there was no source of sup- 
ply after leaving Tampico, and the viceroy intimated that he 
would be sorely displeased if this expedition also failed on ac- 
count of lack of provisions. Especial vigilance was enjoined, 
as usual, in the exploration of Espiritu Santo Bay, and a sharp 
watch was ordered to be kept for hostile vessels.^® 

With the churches of Vera Cruz offering up prayers for the 
success of the voyage, the expedition set sail on. Christmas Day, 
1686. Tampico was reached three days later. Here the vessels 
were delayed for more than two months on account of stormy 
weather. Their supplies were replenished in the meantime by the 



•'The viceroy to the king, Dec. 30, 1686, 7 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-20); An- 
tonio de Astina to the king, Jan. 12, 1687, 1 p. (ibid.) The dimensions of 
the piraguas, a list of the supplies, and other details are given in Rela- 
cion de las dos piraguas, 2 pp., and Eazon de lo que lleuan las |it)3 
piraguas, 2 pp. Drawings of the boats were even sent to Spain. • 

'^The instructions were drawn up by Admiral Francisco Navarro, 
commander of the fleet of three vessels which had brought Monclova 
and the azogues. They are dated Dec. 12, 1686 (Mexico, 61-6-20, 4 pp.). 
Additional instructions were issued on Dec. 23 (ibid., 2 pp.). See also 
Navarro to the viceroy, Dec. 25, 1686 (iMd.). 



Spanish and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 11 

viceroy. On March 7 the voyage was resumed. Rivas and Iriarte 
proceeded very slowly, keeping- close to the coast, and giving to 
many prominent landmarks the names which they were thence- 
forth to bear during most of the Spanish period. On March 30 
while they were exploring the mouth of a river, which was named 
J^'io (Ic l;is Flores, the wreckage of a vessel was seen which bore 
signs of French make. A few days later, on April 4, a large bay 
was reached, nine leagues from the Rio de las Flores, to which 
the name" San Bernardo was given. It was of course the present 
Matagorda Bay. Here the explorers found further and un- 
mistakable signs of the French. Four leagues from the entrance 
of the bay, toward the northeast, a stranded vessel was found, 
which still bore the French coat-of-arms with the familiar fleur- 
de-lis. From the state of its rigging, it was judged that the 
ship had been lost for more than a year. A further search dis- 
closed a few barrels of powder and a number of guns in the 
vicinity. An effort was made to question the Indians in re- 
gard to the ship, but the interpreters from Tampico were un- 
able to make themselves understood. While it was surmised 
that the vessel had belonged to the French colony, it was not 
suspected that their settlement stood only a few miles away. The 
region was so low and swampy that the Spaniards seem to have 
been convinced that no sane person would attempt to settle there. 
A further examination of the vicinity of the bay was made, how- 
ever, but no further clues were found. Yet just five miles up 
the Garcitas the disillusioned followers of La Salle were living 
out the brief span that yet remained of their monotonous ex- 
istence. San Bernardo Bay was left behind by the explorers, 
and the voyage continued without incident of note until the 
Rio de la Palizada was reached. The gap left by the first mari- 
time expedition had been completed, but no bay answering to 
the description of Espiritu Santo had been seen, nor indeed had 
any suitable location for a settlement been discovered. The 
leaders now concluded that the elusive bay must be further east, 
and that it had been passed unrecognized by the first expedi- 
tion. Passing the INCssissippi River once more as unworthy of 
examination, the voyage was continued to Mobile Bay, which was 
entered on May 22. Three days were spent in exploring its 



78 University of Texas Bulletin 

waters. No great river corresponding to the Mississippi or Eio 
del Espiritu Santo was found flowing into the bay; instead six 
small streams were found, which could not be navigated even by 
such small boats as the pirogues. In spite of the absence of a 
large river, • however, the Spaniards concluded that they must 
be at the bay which was shown on the maps as Espiritu Santo. 
No other body of water in that region offered any inducements 
for settlement, or corresponded so closely to the general descrip- 
tion that had been given of Espiritu Santo Bay. In this un- 
certain fashion was the long-sought-for bay identified, but, no 
doubt, with entire correctness. There was no longer any reason 
for remaining on that deserted coast, and the vessels were turned 
toward Havana. Pensacola Bay was not examined again, as it 
was thought useless to look for a foreign settlement on its shores. 
After a short stop on the Florida coast for provisions, the ves- 
sels proceeded to Havana, that port being reached on June 17. 
The return to Vera Cruz was not made until July 3, more than 
six months after the departure of the expedition. There was 
much joy in New Spain at the safe return of the pirogues. The 
long delay had caused great anxiety, and just three days before 
their return, the viceroy had sent out still another expedition to 
search for the missing vessels, and to repeat the exploration 
of the coast.^'^ 

The viceroy immediately summoned the leaders of the ex- 
pedition to the capital for a personal report. Barroto took with 
him the diary and map of the voyage, and the viceroy was made 
acquainted with all of its details. By a fortunate coincidence, 
on the same day that the explorers arrived in Mexico, the vice- 

^' Although a detailed diary was kept of the second expedition, tho 
writer has been unable to obtain any trace of it. The above account is 
based upon a number of general references, including the following: 
The viceroy to the king, July 15, 1687, 7 pp.; marginal annotations of 
Iriarte, Barroto, and Romero, July 22, 1687, made on "Copia de relaclon 
hecha al Rei Xpmo tocante a la vahia del Splritu ssto, etc., 7 pp.; 
Munibe to the king, Aug. 12, 1687, 1 p.; parecer of Fez and Barroto, 
June 12, 1689, in Autos y Diligencias q se an Executado pr. el Capn 
Alonso de Leon . . . sobre el descubrimto de Vna poblazon de fran- 
zeses, etc., pp. 67-69 (all of the foregoing in Mexico. 61-6-20) ; consulta 
of the Council oj the Indies, March 22, 1691, 2 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 79 

roy received a letter from Ambassador Ronquillo in London, 
enclosing an acconnt of La Salle's voyage taken from official 
French reports. This relation told of La Salle's failure to find 
the mouth of the Mississippi Eiver, of his landing on the coast, 
of the wreck of one of his vessels, and of other incidents which 
had taken place up to the time of the departure of Captain 
Beaujeu. This document threw a great deal of light, of course, 
upon the voyage that had just been made. By comparing it 
with the diary kept by Barroto, the officials were able to ar- 
rive at rather definite conclusions in regard to the wrecked ves- 
sels that had been found at the Rio de Flores and San Bernardo 
Bay. It seemed practically certain now that they had belonged 
to La Salle, and that the French colony had met its destruction 
from drowning, starvation, or at the hands of t>ie natives.^^ 

Great satisfaction prevailed in the city of Mexico. While the 
second maritime expedition had not discovered the French set- 
tlement, it had brought news that was far more welcome, namely, 
that La Salle had met with disaster, and that nothing more was 
to be feared from his activities. This optimistic view was ex- 
pressed by the Count of Monclova in a letter to the king, writ- 
ten on July 25 : • 

The whole Gulf of Mexico has been examined with the most 
exact diligence possible, and no port, river, or bay along its 
entire coast has been found to be occupied by enemies, or Euro- 
peans, nor have any signs of settlement or fortifications of any 
kind been seen. . . . Wherefore Your Majesty's entire mon- 
archy is to be congratulated; for, although this kingdom would 
never be endangered by a settlement of enemies along this coast 
(since they could be dislodged), it is much better that no such 
settlement should exist, and that the many plausible falsehoods 
that have been told concerning this matter both here and in 
Spain should be so felicitously disproved.^^ 

^The viceroy to the king, July 25, 1687; Copia de relacion hecha al 
Rei Xpmo tocante a la vahia del Spiritu ssto que remitio el Sor Dn. 
Pedro Ronquillo . . . al Conde de la Monclova . . . a 7 de Febro. 
desteaiio de 1687 (Mexico, 61-6-20). Barroto, Iriarte, and Romero exam- 
ined the latter document, and placed their comments on the margin 
opposite passages which had a bearing upon the voyage that had just 
been completed. 

"The viceroy to the king, July 25, 1687, p. 1 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 



80 University of Texas Bulletin 

As has been stated, the long delay in the return of the piro- 
gues had caused the viceroy to become alarmed as to their safe- 
ty, and on June 20 he had instructed Admiral Navarro to select 
two frigates from the squadron under his command to make a 
search for the missing vessels. Great haste was urged, as the 
sTimmer was well advanced, and it was desired to take advantage 
of the few weeks of remaining good weather. Navarro selected 
Andres de Pez and Francisco de Gamarra, both captains in the 
windward squadron, to make the voyage. The appointment of 
the former was to mark the beginning of a meteoric rise to 
prominence, until he reached one of the highest offices in the 
Spanish colonial service. ■*"Pez in fact was destined to become 
a conspicuous figure in the history of the Gulf region of the 
United States. 

The two captains bore the same instructions as the leaders 
of the preceding expedition. Such haste was made that the ves- 
sels were ready to sail ten days after the viceroy's order was 
received. Three days after the departure from Vera Cruz, the 
long-delayed j^irogues entered the harbor. Fruitless efforts were 
made to detain Pez and Gamarra at Tampico. Alarming news 
had been received from the Indians in regard to the fate of the 
pirogues, and the two captains had been careful to make all 
haste, and explore the coast as thoroughly as possible. They 
found the same wreckage near San Bernardo Bay, but no other 
signs of French occupation. Mobile Bay was visited. An 
attempt to enter Pensacola Bay was frustrated by contrary cur- 
rents. The two vessels returned to Vera Cruz early in Septem- 
ber, bringing corroborative evidence to prove that the French 
colony had met with disaster, and that nothing further need be 
feared from it.*^ 



^"Bancroft erroneously calls Pez, "Andres de Perez" CNorth Mexican* 
States and Texas, i, 399). 

"Few details of this voyage are available. The official diary has not 
been found. The above account is based upon the following documents: 
Navarro to the viceroy, June 24, 1687, 1 p.; the viceroy to the kinpc, 
July 25, 1687, 5 pp.; same to same, March 20, 1688, p. 1 (all in Mexico, 
61-6-20); consulta of the Junta de Guerra, March 22, 1691, p. 3 (Mexico, 
61-6-21). A number of secondary writers refer to the voyage of Pez 
and Gamarra as the most important of the series, but give no details. 



Spanish and 'French Rivolry in Gulf Region 81 

CHAPTER V. 
THE OUTCOME OF THE SEARCH, 1687-1689. 

The fourth maritime expedition. — In spite of the Count of 
Monclova's confident assertion tha*t no foreign settlement ex- 
isted on the coast of the Gulf of MIexico, it is evident that he 
was not entirely at ease in the matter, for, upon the strength of 
the uncorroborated statement of an obscure English adventurer, 
a fourth maritime expedition was authorized. The responsibili- 
ty for this fourth search by sea must be laid at the door of an 
individual named Ralph Wilkinson, who deserves to go down in 
the history of America in close company with such famous pre- 
varicators as Hennepin and La Hontan. 

In September, 1687, just when the colonial officials were be- 
ginning to breathe freely once more, Governor Munibe of Hav- 
ana sent to Vera Cruz an Englishman named Ralph Wilkinson, 
accused of piracy, who claimed to have positive knowledge con- 
cerning a French town called St. Jean, situated near the coast 
of the Gulf of Mexico. Wilkinson was interrogated at Vera 
Cruz by Admiral Navarro, and was then remitted to the capital. 
On November 21 he was examined by the viceroy in the presence 
of a number of prominent officials, including Captain Fez and 
Barroto. The declarations made by Wilkinson in Havana and 
Vera Cruz were so conflicting that he was forced to confess that 
he had not told the entire truth ; but upon being assured that 
he had nothing to fear, he promised to tell without reserva- 
tion all that he knew about the French town. The substance of 
his story was as follows : 

He declared that he was forty-six years old; a native of New- 
castle, England; but resident for the past twenty-five years of 
Jamaica, where he had followed the trade of ship's carpenter, 
having embarked in that capacity on many voyages to various 
parts of the Indies. In June, 1685 he had contracted to sail 
on a French vessel, which had been forced to put in to Jamaica 
for repairs. He soon learned that the ship had been sent by the 
governor of Petit Gouave to warn the inhabitants of a French 



6— s. 



82 University of Texas Bulletin 

town called St. Jean, located near the Bay of Espiritu Santo, 
that the Spaniards were planning to attack their settlement. 
After a voyage of several weeks, the ship reached the latitude of 
thirty degrees, and anchored without the mouth of a large river. 
The next day a canoe was seen approaching, containing three 
Indians and a Frenchman. When hailed in French, they came 
on board, and Wilkinson found, strange to say, that the French- 
man was an old friend of his by the name of La Fleur. The 
captain of the ship, Wilkinson, and La Fleur then proceeded 
up the river in the canoe until they reached the town, some 
thirty leagues away. The place was strongly fortified, Wilkin- 
son said. The chief defense consisted of a fort of twenty-two 
cannon, garrisoned by fifty or sixty soldiers. A short distance 
from the fort was a redoubt of eleven guns. The wharf was 
protected by nine guns. The population of the town, he thought, 
was about four hundred, but there were many estates along the 
river, so that the total number of inhabitants would probably 
reach one thousand — all French. When asked by whom this town. 
had been founded, Wilkinson replied that he thought tbat a cer- 
tain Monsieur de Salas had founded it, but that he could not 
be sure on that point. Pie had remained in the settlement, he 
said, for more than six months, during which time he had "be- 
come enamoured of a widow who owned a plantation on the 
river, and had married her. Being tired of wandering around, 
he decided that he had found at last the place where he could 
pass the remainder of his years in tranquility. He had there- 
fore resolved to go to London to sell some property that he owned 
there, with the intention of returning to St. Jean to end his 
days. It was while on his way to London, he said, that he had 
been captured by the Spaniards, and taken to Havana, unjustly 
accused of being a pirate. Wilkinson gave the most minute de- 
tails concerning the French colony, and showed remarkable in- 
genuity in answering the many questions that were propounded 
to him by the Spanish officials.^ 



'Declaration of Wilkinson, Nov. 21 and 22, 1687, in an expediente en- 
titled, El Virrey Conde de la Monclova da qta a V. M. de hauer embiado 
al Capn. Dn. Andres de Pez ... a repetir el reconozimiento del Seno 
Mexno, etc., pp. 5-23 (Mexico, 61-6-20). Wilkinson's declaration in Ha- 
vana is found in ibid., 24-29; and that made in Vera Cruz, ibid., 29-34. 
The first examination in the City of Mexico lasted for seven hours, and 
had to be suspended until the following day. 



Spanish and ^French Rivalry in Gulf Region 83 

While the viceroy doubted the truth of the loquacious English- 
man's story, he was unwilling to take any chances in a matter 
which had caiised the king such great uneasiness. He therefore 
decided to send out another expedition, guided by Wilkinson, 
to search for the town of St. Jean. Wilkinson recklessly assured 
the viceroy that he would find the river and town again, or for- 
feit his head in the attempt. Captain Andres de Pez and Juau 
Enriquez Barroto were again called upon, and were ordered to 
embark in one of the vessels of the windward squadron. They 
were instructed to explore only that region which lay within 
latitude thirty degrees, where Wilkinson had said the entrance 
to the river would be found. 

Pez and Barroto left Vera Cruz in the early part of March, 
1688. With them went many of the men who had taken part 
in previous expeditions. Wilkinson was very much in evidence, 
and regaled his companions with many stories concerning the 
French colony. The vessel proceeded first to Mobile Bay, where 
it was safely anchored, and a small boat (cJialiipa) was put into 
shape for the exploration. Slowly and carefully the rivers and 
indentations of the coast were again examined, but at no point 
did the Spaniards find a great navigable river. Doubt as to the 
truth of Wilkinson's tale grew day by day. Finally Cape Lodo, 
near the Rio de la Palizada, was reached, and Wilkinson, who 
had by this time been placed in irons, was scornfully asked 
where his town was. The Englishman replied that he did not 
know; that he had never been in the town himself, but had 
merely been told of its existence by certain Frenchmen whom 
he had met at Laguna de Terminos in Yucatan. One can 
imagine the exasperation of the Spaniards when they realized 
that they had been duped by the mendacious Englishman. Wil- 
kinson was forced to sign a sworn statement, confessing that all 
of his story concerning the town was based upon hearsay only.- 

Although the Spaniards were for the fourth time in the very 



^Declaration of Wilkinson at Cabo de Lodo, April 5, 1688, in expe- 
diente entitled. El Virrey Cde de la Monclova da qta. a V. M. de lo que 
resulto del viage q hiso Dn. Andres de Pez calificando ser el ings. vn 
embustero, etc., 4-6 (Mexico, 61-6-20); Pez to the viceroy, April 24, 1688, 
md., 3-4; the viceroy to the king. May 27, 1688, iUd., 1-2. 



84 University of Texas Bulletin 

mouth of the greatest river on the eontinent, they ignond its ex- 
istence completely. Never did it seem to occur to them that the 
Rio de la Palizada was the great river for which they were 
seeking. Wilkinson's declaration, moreover, showed that they 
were engaged in a wild goose chase, and there seemed nothing 
to do but return home. The expedition arrived at Vera Cru-i 
on April 24. By this time Wilkinson had recovered his self- 
possession, and stoutly maintained that he had told the truth 
in the beginning. He was no pilot, he said, and had never 
claimed that he could find the town by his own unaided effort. 
All that he had agreed to do was to show the way to the towji 
if placed in the mouth of the river on which it was located. 
When reminded of the confession that he had made at Cape Lodo, 
he said that he did not remember what he had said there; that 
all that he knew was that he had spent several months at St. Jean, 
and that his wife still lived there. Needless to state, he was no 
longer believed. Captain Pez, angry and exasperated, wrote the 
viceroy that Wilkinson was nothing but a great "embustero, " 
incapable of telling the truth. Pez assured the viceroy with 
great emphasis that no foreign settlement existed on the Gulf 
coast. Such an idea was absurd, he said, for it was impossible 
for ships even of moderate size to navigate those waters with 
safety.^ 

It was very obvious that Captain Pez had correctly summed 
up the true character of Ealph Wilkinson. The fiscal in the city 
of Mexico, in discussing the matter, agreed with Pez that the 
Englishman was an extraordinary liar, and that he had con- 
cocted the whole tale of the French settlement in order to .free 
himself from punishment for his piracies. There remained noth- 
ing to do save to punish Wilkinson as he richly deserved. Orders 
were therefore given for a full investigation into his past career, 
and the imposition of the severest penalty that his crimes would 
justify. He was later condemned to hard labor in the galleys.* 



'Pez to the viceroy, April 24, 1688, ihid.. 3-4; declaration made by 
Wilkinson upon the return to Vera Cruz, ibid.. 6-8. The diary and navi- 
gation-chart of this voyage were sent by Pez to the viceroy, but have 
not been found. 

*Respuesta fiscal, May 5, 1688, iUd.. 9-12; Cavo, Lns Tres Siglos. ii, 72. 



Spanisli and French Eivalry in Gulf Region 85 

The town of St. Jean had been proven to be a myth, and the 
Spanish officials were inclined to believe that the whole tale of 
French encroachnient had little better foundation than that 
imaginary settlement. The naval forces that had been brous'ht 
over by the Count of Monclova were now sent back to Spain.* 
Once again New Spain could rest at ease. But hardly had the 
humiliating Wilkinson episode been concluded, when informa- 
tion reached the region of Nuevo Leon, which indicated in 
unequivocal fashion that, notwithstanding the results of the re- 
peated expeditions that had been made by land and sea, the 
French were actually settled within the territory bordering on 
the Gulf of Mexico. 

The Capture of Jean Gery,^ and the Revival of the French 
Scare. — In the spring of 1688 Alonso de Leon, who will be re- 
membered as the leader of the two expeditions that had been 
made from Nuevo Leon in search of the French, was busily 
engaged in a scries of campaigns against the Toboso Indians 
and their allies, who had recently gone on the war-path. Leon 
in the previous year had been made captain of a company of 
twenty-five soldiers, and had been given permission to found 
a presidio and villa in the region lying to the westward of 
Nuevo Leon, and known as Coahuila or Nueva Esttemadura. 
The title of governor of this province had also been bestowed 
upon him. The beginnings of the new settlement had been 
made under favorable auspices, but the completion of the found- 
ing had been interrupted by the outbreak of Indian hostilities. 
Governor Leon was forced to abandon the site that had been 
chosen for his colony. He took up his headquarters at the 
Tlaxcaltecan puelilo of San Francisco de Coahuila, obtained re- 
inforcements from his old i)rovince of Nuevo Leon, and once 
more began his efforts to pacify the country. While he was 
engaged in this task, he was to be brought again into active 
participation in the search for the French settlement.'" 



'Consulta of the Council of the Indies, March 22, 1691, p. 4 (M6xico, 
61-6-21). 

^See p. 88, note 9. 

'Leon had been authorized to found a villa of thirty families in Coa- 
huila by a decree of the viceroy, dated October 13, 1687. He had first 



86 University of Texas Bulletin 

In May, 1688 Governor Leon sent a Tlaxcalteean Indian -by the 
name of Agiistin into the region north of Coahuila to enlist 
the support of various friendly tribes against the hostile Tobosos. 
The Tlaxcalteean crossed the Rio Grande in the course of his 
wanderings, and arrived at a large Indian camp or rancheria 
ruled over by a white chief. Agustin was taken into the presence 
of this personage, and made to kneel before him with great 
reverence. He found the chief to be a man of about fifty 
years of age, white like the Spaniards, but naked and painted 
after the fashion of his followers. He was seated on a bench 
covered with buffalo skins, which served him as a rude sort of 
throne. An attendant stood on either side in approved oriental 
style. The chief was able to converse with Augustin through 
the aid of signs and native interpreters. He said that he was 
not a Spaniard, but a Frenchman, sent by God to found pueblos 
among the Indians, and organize them for campaigns against 
their enemies. When told of the proximity of Alonso de Leon, 
he expressed a desire to see the governor, and gave Augustin 

selected the "Mesa de los Catujanes" as a suitable site, but this had been 
rejected for a place known as the "Boca de Nadadores," on the river 
of that name. Here the work of founding had been begun, only to be 
interrupted by the uprising of the natives mentioned above. It was not 
until August 12, 1689 that the villa was finally to be established with 
the name of "Santiago de Monclova," in honor of the viceroy. The site 
was a quarter of a league from the Tlaxcalteean pueblo, where Leon 
maintained his presidio temporarily, and constitutes today the modern 
town of Monclova, Coahuila (Auto de fundacion de la Villa de Santiago 
de Monclova, Guadalajara, 67-4-13, 4 pp.) 

Dr. Clark, in his Beginnings of Texas, says that the presidio of Santi- 
ago de Monclova, containing a population of two hundred and seventy 
persons, was founded in 1687 by the viceroy in order to erect a barrier 
to French encroachment {op. cit.. p. 15). This statement, based upon 
Cavo's Trcs Siglos. is obviously incorrect. The presidial garrison con- 
sisted of only twenty-five men, in 1687, and the villa itself, which was 
not actually founded until 1689, was to include only thirty families. It 
is doubtful whether there were so many at first. In studying a wide 
range of sources, I have found no indication that Leon's settlement was 
made as a result of the French alarm. It seems, rather, to have been 
merely a part of the general expansion activities on the northern fron- 
tier at this time. 



Spanish and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 87 

some pages from a French book to carry back to the Spaniards 
as a message.'' 

Such was the story told by the Tlaxealtecan upon his return 
to Coahuila. Governor Leon immediately concluded that the 
white chief must indeed be a Frenchman, who had been sent 
out from a French settlement to win the friendship of the In- 
dians, and prepare the way for a formal invasion of the Spanish 
provinces. He therefore decided to try to capture the mys- 
terious stranger, and learn his designs. On May 18 he set out 
from his presidio with a force of eighteen picked men, including 
Mjartin de Mendiondo, captain of the detachment from Nuevo 
Leon. Father Buenaventura Bbnal accompanied the party a.s 
chaplain. After a week's journey toward the northeast, the 
Eio Grande was reached, forty-two leagues away. Here five 
soldiers were left in charge of the camp, while Leon pressed 
on with the remainder of his force. About twenty leagues 
further, they encountered a large number of Indians engaged 
in a buffalo hunt. "When the savages were questioned in regard 
to the presence of a "Spaniard" in that region, they said they 
knew him well, for he was their own chief. They then led the 
way to their rancJieria. The Spaniards reined up their horses; 
before the house of the chief, which was guarded by a number 
of Indians armed with bows and arrows. Leon, Mendiondo and' 
Father Bonal dismounted, and pushed their way through the 
guards into the presence of the chief. They found him just as 
the Indian Augustin had described. As the priest approached, 
the man knelt in his seat, and kissed the father's habit. He 
then shook hands very courteously with Leon and Mendiondo, 
crying out again and again in broken Spanish, "Yo Frances, 
Yo Frances." After much persuasion and diplomacy. Captain 
Leon succeeded in spiriting away the Frenchman, telling the 
Indians that their chief would be given the best of treatment,. 



'Auto of Leon, May 18, 16S8, in Auttos y Diligencias q se an Execu- 
tado, pp. 5-7 (Mexico, 61-6-20) ; Leon to the viceroy, June 21, 1688 {ibid., 
1-2; Historia de 'Nuevo Leon, 314). The pages from the French book., 
were forwarded to the viceroy. 



88 University of Texas Bulletin 

and soon brought back to the ranch cria. The return trip was 
made without difficulty, and the presidio rehched on June 6.^ 
Governor Leon had attempted to question the prisoner on 
the return trip, but had been unable to make himself under- 
stood. Upon the arrival at the presidio a formal examination 
was held. An Indian of the mission of Caldera, who knew the 
tongue of the tribe ruled over by the Frenchman, served as 
interpreter. The prisoner said that his name was Francisco, 
but that his countrymen called him "Captain Yan Jarri;'"' 
that he was a native of St. Jean de Orleans, in France ; and 
that he had been sent by order of Monsieur Philip, governor 
of a town which had been built on a large river, to win over the 
Indian tribes to the allegiance of the king of France. He 
said that he had been among the Indians for more than three 
years, and had married into the tribe with which he had been 
found. He was asked how long it had been since his country- 
men settled on the large river, how many families had come, 
and under what pretext they had invaded territory which be- 
longed to the king of Spain. Replying by signs, the Frenchman 
was understood to say that the town had been founded about 
fifteen years before ; but no answer could be obtained to the rest 
of the queries. He was then asked to describe the town. He 



*The diary and derrotero of this early journey into Texas is in Autto,3 
y Diligencias q se an Executado, 16-20. The list of soldiers is given 
ibid., 16-17. A brief account of this entrada is given in the Historia de 
Ntievo Leon, 314. Some of these autos are also given in Portillo, Apuntes 
para la historia antigua de Coahuila y Texas (Saltillo, 1888)- 224-237. 

"This name is given in the documents in a variety of forms, such 
as "Jarri," "Xarri," and "Xeri." Although the Frenchman was usually 
called "Juan Enrique" by the Spaniards, and has so been referred to 
by modern writers, there is good evidence for believing that his name 
was "Jean Gery." The form "Xeri" occurs in the declaration of Arche- 
"veque before the viceroy, and the statement is made that "the said 
Frenchman is named Juan Xeri." As is well known, the letter "X" in 
■early Spanish often had the sound of the French "J," or "G" before 
"e" and "i". This is shown in the same document, where the name 
■"Jaques Grollet" is written "Xaque Grole." "Xeri" therefore naturally 
becomes "Gery." (Declaration of Archeveque, June 10, 1689, in Auttos y 
Diligencias q se an Executado, p. 66.) 



SpanisJi and \French Rivalry in Gulf Region 89 

said that it was protected by two castles {castillas), one belong- 
ing to the French, and one to the Flemish. The French castle 
contained twenty cannon, and was garrisoned by six companies 
of soldiers. There was a Capuchin convent, and a church with 
ten bells in its tower. He said that he had been visited twice by 
his countrymen since leaving the town; the first time about a 
year before, when "Captain Monsieur Jarri" had come with 
sixteen men, and the second time by seven others, who wished to 
know what progress he was making with the Indians. Many 
other questions were asked him, but the facilities for examining 
him were so poor that it w^as impossible to secure any further 
.information.^" 

In spite of the absurdity and contradictions of many of the 
Frenchman's replies. Governor Leon had no doubt but that he 
had finally obtained positive proof of the existence of the 
French settlement so long sought for in vain. He therefore 
decided to remit the prisoner to the capital, where he might be 
examined more thoroughly by the viceroy, and the exact location 
of the settlement perhaps ascertained. Jean Gery was there- 
fore taken by Leon to Monterey, and sent from the latter place 
to the city of Mexico. From Monterey Leon wrote the viceroy, 
emphasizing the imminent danger from the French, and remind- 
ing him that the presidio of Coahuila had a garrison of only 
twenty -five men with which to withstand the threatened invasion. 
He advised that a formidable attack be made upon the French 
settlement at once both by land and by sea. He promised to 
send out spies upon his return to Coahuila in an effort to learn 
something definite about the location of the enemy's stronghold. ^^ 



"Declarazion del frances Frco. alias Yan Jarri, June 8, 1688, in Auttos 
y Diligencias q se an Executado, 11-15. 

'^Leon to the viceroy, June 21, 1688, enclosing autos and derrotero 
previously cited (ibid.. 1-20) ; Historia de Nuevo Leon, 315-317. 

The story of the capture of Jean G6ry, as drawn from the original 
sources cited above, differs materially from the account given in ths 
Carta of Father Massanet, which has hitherto been the accepted author- 
ity for this episode. Fray Damian Massanet, or Manzanet, was a mis- 
sionary at the time in the mission of Caldera, and later wrote an ac- 
count of the whole matter. He makes it appear that the capture of th^^ 
Frenchman was due chiefly to his own efforts. One of the Indians ii; 



90 University of Texas Bulletin 

The prisoner reached the city of IMIexico on June 12 in the 
custody of Captain Mendiondo, and was immediately taken be- 
fore the viceroy for examination. This time he declarer! that his 
name was ''Juan Enrique"; that he was a native of Xeble in 
France. He said that when he was a youth he had been captured 
at sea by the English. When asked whither his captors had 
taken him, he made no reply, but merely laughed. He next 
said that he had come from France five years before, in com- 
pany with Monsieur Philip and Monsieur Xarri. When asked 
how far it was from the rancheria in which he had been found 
to the French settlement on the Gulf of Mexico, he replied at 
first that it was three leagues, but immediately corrected him- 
self, and said that it was three hundred. When questioned fur- 
ther on this point, he remained silent, twisting a handkerchief 
which he wore around his neck, and shrugging his shoulders. 
When asked the same question again in a different form, he 
stated that it was a journey of thirty-two days from the settle- 
ment to the rancheria. Yet only a moment later, when asked 
how many days it had taken him to walk from the rancheria 
to the settlement, he did not answer, but merely struck his breast 
with his open palm, and remained in deep contemplation. He 
was then asked how he had happened to be among the Indians 
with whom he had been living. He replied that he had come 
with three ships to a certain bay, where all had embarked in 
seven small boats, and gone up the river to the place where the 
fort was built. From the fort he had made his way to the 
rancheria to rule over the Indians. A map was then shown the 

his mission, he says, had told him of the Frenchman, and at Massanet's 
order had succeeded in inducing the Frenchman to go to a rancheria 
nearer Coahuila, where Leon had captured him without any trouble or 
danger whatever. (Carta de Don Damian Manzanet ^ Don Carlos de 
Sigiienza, in the Texas State Historical Quarterly, ii, 255-256; reprinted 
in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 15.'t2-1106.) Leon 
makes no mention of the part played by the priest, and his account of 
the capture is quite different, as has been seen. Massanet's Carta can 
«i« longer be accepted as a reliable authority in all of its details, as 
the writer has found to be the case in numerous other instances, where 
the original sources are now available. Clark's Beginnings of Texas, 
which relies almost exclusively upon Massanet for the early period of 
Texas history, is therefore inexact in several places. 



Spanisli and ^French Bivalry in Gulf Region 91 

prisoner, and he was asked to tell the number of men in the fort 
on the river that was pointed out to him.^- Hie said that there 
were six companies of twenty-four men each in the fort, gov- 
erned by Monsieur Philip. The fort was constructed of adobe, 
and had twenty pieces of artillery. The last time that he had 
visited the settlement, it consisted of seventeen houses near the 
fort, on the north side of the river. On the opposite side of the 
river, he said, were the fields of the settlers. He thought that 
the distance from the fort to the Bay of Espiritu Santo could 
be traversed in three days by land, and in one day by boat. 
When questioned further in regard to the distance from the 
fort to the rancheria, he said that he did not know how far it 
was; that it might be one hundred and fifty leagues, or that it 
might be three hundred. He did not remember the name of the 
river or bay on which the fort was located, but said that the 
fort itself was called "La Verite" (La Verdad), and that the 
rancheria where he had lived had been named "Eujen" by 
his countrymen. There was no other settlement on the coast, 
he said, with the exception of a small unfortified town belonging 
to the Flemish. 

At this point the examination was suspended, and was not re- 
sumed until July 16. At the second hearing the prisoner was 
confronted with the declaration he had made in Coahuila, and 
was asked to explain the various discrepancies that appeared 
between it and the statement he had made before the viceroy. 
The Frenchman said that he had evidently not been understood 
in Coahuila, for what he had told the viceroy was the truth. 
A few more details were secured from him now in regard to his 
personal history and the settlement itself. The three ships 
which he had previously mentioned, he said, had sailed from the 
port of the Virgin Mary, three leagues from his native town of 
Xeble, having been sent by the king of France to found a new 
colony. They had not gone directly to the place where the fort 
was built, but had first explored the coast, seeking a suitable 
site. They had finally found the bay and river mentioned be- 
fore, and had been forced to land in seven small boats, the three 



^-Just what river was indicated is not clear; but it was probably that 
of Espiritu Santo, as shown on the current maps of the time. 



92 University of Texas Bulletin 

large vessels Raving been wrecked in the bay. The old qnestion 
in regard to the distance from the fort to the rancJieria was now 
put again. The Frenchman replied that he remembered now 
that it had taken him twelve days to make the journey. He 
was sure that he could find the way again, as he had left many 
signs along the route. Many other questions of a personal na- 
ture were asked the prisoner, and various tests made of his 
sanity. He was asked to repeat the creed, the Ave Maria, and 
other bits of the catechism, all of which he knew very well. 
>s''othing further could be learned however in regard to the lo- 
cation of the fort and colony, and the longer he was examined, 
the more incohei'ent his answers became. The officials were finally 
forced to desist, being firmly convinced that the man was de- 
mented.^^ 

In spite of the conflicting nature of the prisoner's statements, 
of two facts there could be no doubt, namely : that he was a 
Frenchman, and that he had been found far within the limits 
of territory claimed by Spain. It seemed improbable, moreovei", 
that he could have drawn upon his disordered imagination for 
all of the details he had given concerning the French fort. The 
Count of Monclova, therefore, remembering the imperative orders 
that had been given him, decided that it would be necessary to 
make a final attempt to find the French. At a junta general held 
on July 23 it was unanimously decided to send out an expedition 
from Coahuila, to be commanded by Alonso dc Leon. It was not 
to be made ready until the following year.^^ 

The Fifth Mkiritirrie Expedition. — Three days after the exam- 
ination of Jean Gery was concluded, the viceroy wrote to Captain 
Martin de Rivas in regard to another maritime expedition to 
search for the town described by the Frenchman. ^^ Rivas was at 
Vera Cruz, and was preparing to make a voyage to Laguna de 
Terminos to drive out the foreigners who were cutting the val- 



^^Declarazon del franzes ante el virrey, in Auttos y Diligencias q se 
an Executado, 20-34; Monclova to the king, Feb. 10, 1688 (Mexico, 
61-6-20). 

"Junta general, July 23, 1688, in Auttos y Diligencias q se an Execu- 
tado, 37-40; viceroy's decree, Aug. 9, 1688, iMd., 43. 

^'Rivas had commanded one of the vessels of the second maritime 
expedition. Supra, p. 74. 



Spanisli and ^French Ii'ivalry in Gulf Region 93 

uable logwood there. The viceroy ordered him to suspend this 
operation, and consult with Andres de Pez in regard to another 
reconnaissance of the Gulf coast. According to the confused 
statements of the French prisoner, the viceroy said, the settle- 
ment appeared to be about one hundred leagues from the Indian 
village where the man had been found, and about tive leagues 
from the sea. It did not seem necessary, therefore, to explore 
the whole coast again, but merely that portion from Tampico 
to the bay where the wrecked vessel had been found. Extreme 
care should be taken this time, the viceroy admonished, to ex- 
plore every river and inlet, no matter how insignificant, and 
landing parties should be sent out for this purpose when it was 
impossible to make a thorough examination from the vessels. 
Monclova urged great haste in the matter, and authorized Rivas 
to send his reply by special courier.^^ 

. Captain Rivas lost no time in getting into touch with Andres 
de Pez. On July 24 the two captains sent in a joint report. 
While they were absolutely certain in their own minds, they 
said, that there was no suitable site for a settlement on that por- 
tion of the coast indicated by the viceroy, yet in order to clear up 
any lingering doubts that might have arisen in consequence of 
the Frenchman's story, they were willing to makfe another 
voyage. They suggested that the Rio Grande should be ex- 
plored more extensively than had been done before, and that 
the voyage should then be continued as far as San Bernardo 
Bay and the Rio de Cibolas. If nothing were found in that 
distance, it would be useless to look further, as the remainder of 
the coast was swampy and unfit for settlement. They suggested 
that the two pirogues used on the second expedition should be 
put into commission, with supplies for about three and one-half 
months.^^ The viceroy wholly approved of these suggestions, 
and gave orders for the vessels to sail without awaiting further 
instructions from the capital.^^ 

Rivas and Pez left Vera Cruz on August 8, and proceeded 
directly to Tampico, where they remained for nine days. Six 



'"The viceroy to Rivas, July 19, 1688, 2 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-20), 
"Rivas and Pez to the viceroy, July 24, 1688, 3 pp. (ihid.) 
"The viceroy to Rjvas, July 28, 1688, 2 pp. Cibid.) 



94 University of Texas Bulletin 

days were spent in exploring tlie Rio de Palmas or Maupale, 
just north of Tampico, as reports of white men in that region 
had been received through the Indians.^^ On September 1 the 
pirogues were anchored opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande. 
The first exploring party sent out was forced to return on ac- 
count of the hostile attitude of the Indians. Shortly afterwards 
two canoes filled with armed men were despatched to explore 
the river. For five days the explorers ascended the river, until, 
according to the report given, the water became so shallow that 
it was decided that the source of the stream could not be far 
distant, and that further progress was therefore useless. The 
party returned to the pirogues on September 9. San Bernardo 
Bay was next visited. The wreck of the French vessel was no 
longer to be seen, having finally been broken up by Ihe wind 
and waves. Fourteen days were spent in exploring the vi- 
cinity of the bay. Most of the streams which flowed into the 
bay seem to have been dry of water, however, and were therefore 
not examined for any considerable distance up their channels. 
The whole region appeared so uninviting that once again it 
seemed absurd to imagine that foreigners would choose to es- 
tablish a settlement there. An attempt was made to communi- 
cate with the natives, but only one band was seen, which fled 
in haste after expressing their enmity by a shower of arrows. 
The search was then continued to the Rio de Cibolas, which was 
also found to be without water on account of the unusually dry 
season. The negative results of the voyage bore out conclu- 
sively, it seemed, the previous convictions of both Rivas and 
Fez. The return voyage was begun on September 25, and Vera 
Cruz was made at midnight, September 29.-" 



"This investigation was doubtless due to a letter written to the 
viceroy by Fray Juan de la Cruz Durango, stating that the Indians of 
Cerro Gordo had told their capitdn protector, Francisco de Cardenas, 
that 3000 "Spaniards" were settled in the region to the north. This 
letter had been considered in the junta general of July 23 (Auttos y 
Diligencias q se an Executado, pp. 34-36). 

'"Diario del Viage que se va a ejecutar . . . con las dos Galeotas a 
efectos del real Servio. de S. M. siendo cavo de ellas el Capn. de mar y 
guerra Martin de Rivas, 11 pp.; the viceroy, Conde de Galve, to the 
king, June 14, 1689, 3 pp.; Monclova to the king, Feb. 10, 1689, pp. 5-6 
(all in Mexico, 61-6-20). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 95 

Upon their arrival at "Vera Cruz, Rivas aiid Pez found there 
the new viceroy, the Count of Galve, who had been appointed 
to succeed ]\Ionclova, the latter havinsr been promoted to the 
viceroyalty of Peru. The explorers turned over the ;1iary and 
map of the navigation to the new viceroy, who soon assumed the 
duties of his office. The Count of Galve was of the opinion that 
it was manifestly useless to send out any more maritime ex- 
peditions, but that it was more logical to continue the search 
by land from the northern frontier. He did not therefore make 
any changes in the plans for the expedition from Coahuila under 
Alonso de Leon, and preparations to end this were continued 
during the winter of 1688-1689.21 

The search from Nueva Vizcaya. — Several months before the 
apprehension of Jean Gery took place, rumors concerning the 
presence of foreigners on the Gulf coast had begun to penetrate 
to the far western region of Nueva Vizcaya, as a result of which 
the authorities of that province were to take an active part in 
the search for the French colony. The dissemination of these 
rumors affords an interesting example of the way in which in- 
formation was carried by the Indians of the Southwest from tribe 
to tribe across great stretches of semi-arid country, and reveals 
more clearly the fact that the first channel of communication be- 
tween Spanish settlements in Mexico and the region known as 
Texas was first opened up from the distant group of settlements 
along the upper Rio Grande, instead of from the contiguous 
provinces of Coahuila and Nuevo Leon immediately to the south- 
ward. How well established was this line of communication will 
be shown by the following account of the series of events through 
.which the officials of Nueva Vizcaya were made cognizant of the 
activities and final fate of La Salle's colony before the viceregal 
government, with all of its industry, succeeded in clearing up 
the mystery. 

Among the Indians who were accustomed to make periodic 
visits to the straggling missions of La Junta, situated some two 
hundred miles below El Paso at the confluence of the Rio Grande 
and Conchos Rivers, were various migratory bands of the Ju- 



"The Count of Galve to the king, June 14, 1689, pp. 1-2 (Mexico, 
61-6-20). 



96 University of Texas Bulletin 

mano and Cibolo tribes. These were the natives whom Father 
Lopez and Jnan Domingnez de Mendoza had wished to reach 
when they set forth their proposals for the occupation of the 
country to the eastward of New Mexico in 1684. The head chief, 
or capitdn grande, of these allied tribes was the famous Juan 
Xaviata or Sabeata,^- who had been chiefly instrumental in in- 
ducing the padres to begin their work at La Junta in that same 
year.-^ In the spring of each year, this tireless traveler led 
his people on long journeys toward the east to hunt buffalo, and 
to participate in the annual fair that was held with the friendly 
tribes of the Texas or Hasinai confederacy and their allies. 
At this fair the plunder secured from the Spaniards all along 
the northern frontier seems to have been haggled over and 
bartered. The return trip to the Jumano country was usually 
made in the autumn, and the rest of the year spent in the vicinity 
of La Junta. In the latter part of 1687, apparently, a num- 
ber of the Jumano and Cibolo had just returned from the Texas 
country, and were on one of their accustomed visits to the mis- 
sionaries at Junta de los Eios. They brought news of "other 
Spaniards," who were living near the territory of the Texas, 
and asked the priests for a letter to carry to these people. One 
of the missionaries, Father Agustin de Colina, placing little 
confidence in the chatter of his savage friends, told them first to 
bring a letter from the other Spaniards in order to prove the 
truth of their statements. This the Indians promised to do. 
In September of the following year the advance guard of the re- 
turning Jumano and Cibolo began to arrive at the mission, 
bringing further confirmation of the presence of white men in 
the eastern country. They said that the Spaniards were carry- 
ing on a regular trade with the Texas Indians, but that they 



"I have found this name written as "Xaviata" or "Javiata" in the 
documents at my disposal. Other sources from the Mexican archives 
refer to this chief as "Sabeata." Bolton uses the latter form exclusively 
(See "The Spanish Occupation of Texas," Southwestern Historical 
Quarterly, xvi, 19-20; and "The Jumano Indians in Texas," Texas State 
Historical Quarterly, xv., 72-73.) 

=^For brief accounts of the founding of the missions at Junta de los 
Rios, see the two articles last cited, and Hughes, "The Beginnings of 
Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District," University of California 
Publications in History, i, 330-333). 



Spauisli and French Rivalry in Gulf Begion 97 

always returned to their wooden houses near the sea. One of 
their houses on the water had been lost. The strangers wore 
armor, they said, and had told the Indians that the Spaniards 
of Parral were "no good," and that they themselves would soon 
enter the western region in order to bring it under their sub- 
jection. The Indians also told of an individual, whom they 
described as a "Moor" (Mioro), who was ruling ovei' a tribe 
near the Texas, and leading them in their campaign.-* All of 
these facts would be confirmed, they said, by one of their chiefs, 
who was then en route to the missions, bearing the promised 
letter, and full details in regard to the strangers. -° 

The whole kingdom of New Spain had been too greatly stirred 
by the many efforts that had been made to find the reported 
French settlement for even the exiles at the isolated mission of 
La Junta to be ignorant of the significance and importance of 
the tales told by the Indians. The governor of the province, 
Juan Isidro de Pardiiias, was immediately advised of the reports. 
Hie at once resolved to make an attempt to gain for himself the 
credit that would come from solving the problem that had vexed 
the higher officials for so long a time. He therefore planned to 
send out a searching expedition, to be made in conjunelion with 
a campaign to punish the hostile tribes which had again been 
harassing the northern outposts of his province. On November 
2 he issued orders to Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio 
of Conchos, for the raising of a force of ninety men to make 
the proposed expedition. Captain Retana was instructed first to 
march to La Junta to subdue the troublesome Indians in that 
region. He was then to cross the Rio Grande, and penetrate as 
far as practicable toward the east in an effort to find the French 

"In these confused tales, one may recognize various incidents which 
have been brought out in the preceding chapters: the journeys of La 
Salle in search of the Mississippi, the wreck of his ships, the building 
of the huts on the Garcitas, and the presence of Jean Gery among the 
Indians north of Coahuila. 

'■■'Declarations of various Indians, and of Fathers Colina and Hinojosa 
at the presidio of San Francisco de Conchos, Nov. 21-23, 1688, in Autos 
fhos por el Sor Gour j Capn Genl de la Nueva Vizcaya . . . sobre Ian 
noticias q dieron los Yndios del Rio del Norte de qe subian por el 
Naciones estrangeras, pp. 2-9 (Guadalajara, 67-4-11). 



98 JJniversiiij of Texas Bulletin 

intruders. The governor, of eonrse, had no idea of the great 
distance that lay between his province and the Gulf of Mexico. 
In his instructions to Retana he stated that, according to the 
most reliable information at hand, the Rio Grande flowed into 
Espiritu Santo Bay, where the French were said to be settled. He 
referred to the ineffectual attempts that had been made by the 
viceroy to locate this bay. Retana should therefore endeavor to 
reach it, reconnoiter it carefully, and learn all that he could 
as to the strength of the French colony. He was to take especial 
pains to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians. If he 
should find any nation, such as the Texas, who had an organized 
form of government and were ruled over by a king or chief 
(jefe), he was to make a binding treaty of alliance with them, 
and give them to understand that the king of Spain was the 
rightful owner of all the western world. The expedition was 
ordered to set out from the presidio of Conehos on November 15."* 
The exact date of the departure of the expedition from Conehos 
is not clear, but it apparently did not take place until December 
or January.-^ Captain Retana first turned his attention to the 
work of pacifying the countiy. He attacked and defeated three 
of the tribes that had been most troublesome, and took a large 
number of prisoners, with much booty. He then proceeded to 
La Junta to carry out the second part of his instructions for the 
exploration of the Rio Grande and Espiritu Santo Bay. Upon 
arriving at the Rio Grande, he sent out scouts to select the best 



-*Autos proveidos por el gouor con las primas noticias, Nov. 2, 1688, 
ibid.. 13-14; Horden para que se vaya a reconocer el Rio del Norte, Nov. 
2, 1688, ibid., 14-19. 

-'While arrangements were being made for the campaign, the situ- 
ation at La Junta had become so critical that the priests were forced 
to abandon their mission and retire to the establishments on the Con- 
ehos. When Retana learned of their arrival at the neighboring mission, 
he held a formal investigation to verify the first reports that had been 
brought by the Indians concerning the French. The two priests from 
La Junta, Father Agustin de Colina and Father Joaquin de Hinojosa, 
were examined, as well as several Indians who had accompanied them in 
their retreat. These declarations have been drawn upon for the fore- 
going account (Auto of Retana, Nov. 20, 1688, and testimony of various 
witnesses, ibid.. 2-9. Copies of the same documents are in Guadalajara, 
66-6-18). 



Spanish and^iFrench Eivalry hi Gulf Region 99 

I'oiite for the expedition. Within a few days these scouts re- 
turned, reporting- that the governor of the allied tribes of that 
region was en route to La Junta from the Texas, bringing letters 
for the Spaniards which would explain everything. Upon re- 
ceipt of this news, Captain Retana decided to go forth to meet 
this important personage. Four days' journey from La Junta, 
the returning chief was encountered. He proved to be none 
other than Juan Xaviata, the old friend of the Spaniards. He 
expressed his pleasure at seeing the soldiers in his country, and 
asked Retana the motive for the expedition. Retana then ex- 
I>lained that he was in search of the strangers who had been 
seen in the eastern country. Xaviata told him not to be alarmed ; 
that the "Moras" had already been killed, and their settlement 
destroyed by the neighboring Indians. In order to prove the 
truth of his assertions, the chief then showed Retana some sheets 
of paper which contained French writing, and a piece of parch- 
ment on which the picture of a ship had been drawn, together 
with a poem in French. He said that he had secured the relics 
from some of the Indians who had taken part in the massacre 
of the French.-^ The story told by Xaviata seemed so plaus- 
ible and well authenticated that Captain Retana decided to 
suspend further operations until he could communicate Avith tht* 
governor, and receive new orders. On March 3 he wrote Par- 
difias, reporting the foregoing facts, and announcing that Xavia- 



, -'The documents that wej-e preserved from destruction in this mar- 
velous manner, and which today constitute, doubtless, the only known 
relics of La Salle's Texas colony, still exist in the Archive General dc 
Indias at Seville. Photographs of them have been made for the Uni- 
versity of Texas. They consist of a portion of an original journal of 
La Salle's voyage from Santo Domingo to the Texas coast, unidentified 
as yet by the present writer, and a venerable looking piece of parch- 
ment, upon which is depicted what must have been one of La Salle's 
ships. The drawing is probably the work of Jean de I'Archeveque, who 
was implicated in the murder of La Salle, for his name is signed to the 
poem inscribed on the parchment. The presence of these interesting 
mementos in a bundle of documents relating to petty Indian uprisings 
in western Mexico no doubt explains the failure of previous investi- 
gators to identify them, and explain their significance.* The parchment 
has long been known to the authorities of the archive, but its connec- 
tion with La Salle was not realized. 



100 University of Texas Bulletin 

ta and other chiefs would continue their journey to Parral to 
pay their respects to the governor, and deliver to him the "let- 
ters" and parchment in their possession.-^ 

Retana 's letter reached Parral on March 30, and the delegation 
of chiefs arrived soon afterwards. The Indians were examined 
thoroughly in regard to the whole matter of the French settle- 
ment, and gave, incidentally, much valuable and interesting 
information concerning the country of the Texas Indians and 
the surrounding regions. Their story left no reasonable doubt 
that the. French colonists had been killed by the hostile coast 
Indians. Pardiiias accordingly resolved to recall Retana, and 
give up the proposed expedition. Orders to this effect were is- 
sued on April 12. This action meant that the well-established 
avenue of approach to Texas by way of the west was to remain 
for a long period unfrequented by the Spaniards, and that a 
new line of communication was to be opened up from the region 
of Coahuila and Nuevo Leon.^*' 

None of the foregoing facts were of course known to the central 
authorities until several weeks later. Preparations for Alonso 
de Leon's expedition from Coahuila had in the meantime been 
completed, and the final search for the French was already under 
way. It now remains to give an account of Leon's important 
expedition, which was definitely to solve the mystery of La 
Salle's colony, and lead to the first extension of Spanish coloniza- 
tion into the region threatened by the French invasion.^^ 

The discovery of La Salle's settlement. — The viceroy's order 
for a third expedition by land from the northeastern frontier had 



^'Retana to Pardinas, March 3, 1688, ibid.. 19-22. 

^"The valuable declarations of Xaviata and his fellow chiefs at Parral, 
made on April 11 and 12, 1688, are to be found ibid.. 22-41. Many inter- 
esting facts relating to the vicissitudes of La Salle's colony are con- 
tained therein. 

^'The action of Governor Pardiiias in suspending Retana's expedition 
was doubtless due also to the fact that he was well aware of the entradn 
to be made from Coahuila. Orders had been sent by the viceroy for 
the dispatch of fifty men from the presidios of Nueva Vizcaya to ac- 
company Leon's force, and these troops had already reached Coahuila 
some time before the news of the fate of the French was brought by 
the Indians. 



Spaiiisli and ^French Rivalry in Gulf Region 101 

reached Alonso de Leon while that energetic pioneer was en- 
deavoring- once more to found the oft-interrupted villa which 
had first been authorized in 1687. Again he was forced to sus- 
pend his work, and devote his attention to the search for the 
French.^- In accordance with the viceroy's orders, fifty soldiers 
were to be secured from the presidios of Nueva Vizcaya,-^" and 
fifty more were to be recruited in Coahuila and Nuevo Leon. 
More than seven hundred horses and mules were provided for 
the use of the troops, and abundant supplies of provisions aAd 
gifts for the Indians were gathered. Two priests were enrolled 
among the volunteers. They were the BacJiiller Toribio Garcia 
fie Sierra, curate and vicar of the province of Coahuila, and 
Father Damian Massanet, minister in the mission of Caldera. 
The half-witted Frenchman, Jean Gery, was sent back from the 
city of Mexico to act as guide. An additional guide was se- 
cured in the person of a Coahuila Indian from Father Massa- 
net 's mission. 

On March 24, 1689 the troops from Coahuila and Nueva 
Vizcaya set out from the presidio near the Tlaxcaltecan vil- 
lage of San Francisco. Four days later they arrived at the 
Sabinas River, where they were joined by the detachment from 
Nuevo Leon. A general inspection and review w^as now held 
before Governor^* Leon, after which the combined forces pro- 
ceeded toward the northeast.^'^ Just before the Rio Grande was 
reached, a band of Indians was encountered, who were evidently 
old friends of the French prisoner. They manifested great joy 
at seeing him again, and gave him marked attention and honor. 
The Indians were feasted by Leon, and gifts distributed among 



^-Auto de fundacion de la Villa de Santiago de Monclova, Guadalajara, 
67-4-13. 

^^The presidios of Conchos, Cerro Gordo, El Gallo, Cuencame, and 
Casas Grandes were ordered to send ten men each. 

^'Really General Leon now, for he was given that rank during the 
expedition. 

^^The names of the soldiers are given in the Historia de Nuevo Le6n, 
pp. 320-321. The total number of individuals, including the priests and 
servants, reached 115. Massanet says that there were only eighty sol- 
diers, forty from Nueva Vizcaya, and forty from Nuevo Leon (Carta, 
Bolton, op. cit., 284-285). 



102 U)iiversity of Texas Bulletin 

them."' At the Rio Grande the expedition was fortunate in 
securing a more trustworthy and competent guide than it had 
previously possessed. Little confidence had been placed in the 
old Frenchman, and his intimacy with the Indian guide from 
Coahuila caused the latter to be regarded with equal suspicion. 
The new guide was an Indian of the Querns tribe called Quen- 
Coquio. who claimed to have spent several days in the French 
settlement. He was to prove an invaluable acquisition to the 
exploring party.^" 

The Rio Grande was crossed without difficulty on April 2. and 
the march continued into the unknown country toward the 
northeast. Several rivers were passed, and names bestowed 
upon them, including the Nueces, the Sarco (Frio), the Hondo, 
and the ]\Iedina. On April 15 a large river Avas reached, which 
was named Xuestra Seiiora de Guadalupe, in honor of the pat- 
ron saint of the expedition. As the Quems Indian had announced 
that the French town was situated not far from this river, a 
council of war was held to decide upon future plans. It was 
resolved that GoAcrnor Leon should advance with sixty men to 
reconnoiter the settlement, leaving the rest of the troops en- 
camped near the Guadalupe. The governor and his men had 
proceeded only a short distance when an Indian was captured, 
who gave the fii'st definite information in regard to the French. 
He said that in his rancheria, only a short distance away, were 
four white men. who had come from the settlement near the coa.st. 



■'•"These Indians were the Apes. Jumanes. Mescales. and Ijiaba tribes. 
Out of curiosity Leon counted them, and found that they numbered 
490 persons. (Historia de Xuevo Leon. 322; Derrotero of Leon, trans- 
lation by Elizabeth H. West, in the Texas State Historical Quarterly. 
vol. viii; reprinted in Bolton, Spayiish Exploration in the Southtvest. 
p. 389). 

^'The Quems Indian had stumbled upon the French fort, it was 
said, while roaming the country in search of his runaway wife. He 
had later visited the mission of Father Massanet. and had told th>^ 
priest of his adventures. Nothing more had been thought of him. 
until the expedition reached the Rio Grande, when Massanet remem- 
bered that the Indian lived nearby, and suggested to Leon that he 
should be sent for (Historia de Xuevo Leon. 323-324). Massanet's ac- 
count is in substantial agreement with this story (Carta, in Bolton, 
op. cit.. p. 358). 



Simnisli and (French Bivalrij in Gulf Begion 103 

The Indian camp was soon reached, but to Leiui's disappoint- 
ment, was found deserted. At sunset another rancMria was 
found, containing more than two hundred and fifty Indians. 
Here the Spaniards obtained startling tidings. The Indians said 
that the people who had lived in the settlement were all dead. 
iManv had died from an epidemic of smallpox, and the remainder 
had been killed by the Indians of the coast about three months 
before. The four Frenchmen who had been in that vicinity, the 
Indians said, had left several days before for the country of the 
Texas. This encouraging news was received on April 16. Four 
days before the identical story had been told' to Governor Pardi- 
nas in the far-away region of Nueva Vizcaya. As Leon and his 
men w^ere already quite a distance from the main camp near the 
G-uadalupe, they decided not to wander further away at that 
time in search of the four Frenchmen. Instead a letter Avas 
written to the strangers in French, to the effect that the Indians 
had told of the fate of the colony, and asking them to meet the 
expedition at the site of their old 'settlement. The letter was 
signed by Leon, and iMassanet added a postscript in Latin, think- 
ing that one of the men might be a priest. Blank paper was 
enclosed for a reply. The letter was entrusted to an Indian, 
who promised to take it to the Texas country. 

Leon and his men then retraced their route to the main camp 
near the Guadalupe, and on April 2, the reunited forces were 
ready to take up the march again. After traveling for a dis- 
tance of eight leagues, they arrived at a deep stream, the present 
Garcitas Creek, upon which the Quems Indians said that the set- 
tlement was located. What suppressed' excitement now ran 
through the little army as the end' of the long quest drew near, 
we can only im.agine. as the sober records of the journey tell 
only of such prosaic details as might be given in the most com- 
monplace entrada. On April 22, after having marched down 
the Garcitas for three leagues, the long-sought-for settlement 
finally came into view. Alonso de Leon seems to have been con- 
scious of the dramatic interest of the moment. Halting the main 
body of his troops, he went forward with the priests and his 
officers to inspect the establishment that had kept New Spain in 
a state of unrest for nearly four years. The place was entirely 



104 University of Texas Bulletin 

deserted. Six small huts, already falling into ruin, constituted 
the "stronghold" planted by La Salle. One of the structures 
served as the fort. Above the entrance was the following in- 
scription: 

1684 VSQUE AD 168— " 

On all sides were evidences of a typical Indian assault. Scores 
of broken guns, shattered mission ornaments, the torn pages of 
French books — all were scattered in confusion within and with- 
out the wooden hous&s. A short distance away three skeletons 
were found, one of which was that of a woman. This gruesome 
sight so impressed one of the Spaniards that he wrote a poem 
lamenting the sad fate of the victims, taking care to point o,ut, 
however, that God had been pleased to visit his wrath upon those 
who had intruded within territory that had been granted exclu- 
sively to the kiiig of Spain. ^* About the only articles that had 
escaped the fury of the savages were eight pieces of artillery, 
and a number of iron beams. The latter were to be appropri- 
ated by Governor Leon for the laudable purpose of utilizing 
them in the construction of the church in his new town of Mon- 
clova.^^ 

After remaining in the ruined settlement for two days, Leon 
resolved to explore the Gulf coast, about five miles away. Tak- 
ing thirty men with him, and guided by the old Frenchman, who 



^This poem is reproduced in the Historia de Nuevo Leon, pp. 336-337. 
A plan of the settlement, and a drawing of the inscription over the 
entrance to the fort is ibid., 330 and 331. 

*^The foregoing account has been drawn from a number of sources, 
including several that have never been utilized previous to the pres- 
ent time. Chief of these is an important letter written by Leon to 
the Bishop of Guadalajara, giving new details of the discovery of the 
fort, and an auto by Leon, of April 22, containing new material. 
Leon's letter to the viceroy. May 16, 1689 has only recently been 
brought to light in Spain (Auttos y Diligencias q se an Executado, 
44-47). The Historia de Nuevo Leon contains interesting details not 
else where available (op. cit., 324-332). Reference should also be made 
to the well known Derrotero of Leon's expedition (translated in Bol- 
ton. Spanish Exploration in the Southtvest, 388-404), and to the Carta 
of Massanet (iMd., 353-364). From these combined sources a final 
and detailed account may be written of the discovery of the P'rench 
fort. 



Spunisli and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 105 

now began to show some signs of familiarity with the country, 
the de-scent to the sea was begun. After a circuitous journey 
the party stood on the shores of the present Matagorda Bay. 
As Leon had heard the name of Espiritu Santo Bay associated 
so consistently Avith the French settlement, he now naturally 
applied that name to the body of water which he surveyed. The 
Frenchman pointed out the mouth of the bay, where he said 
that he had entered with "Monsieur de fSala." After a brief 
examination of the vicinity of the bay, the party returned to 
the camp at the fort. During their absence an answer had been 
received from the Frenchmen in the Texas country.*" The let- 
ter stated in substance that two of the men were tired of living 
among the Indians, and would soon join the Spaniards at the 
settlement. 

Governor Leon, however, decided not to wait for them, and 
camp was broken on the following day. The 27th was spent in 
exploring a large river three leagiies to the northward. It was 
named the San Marcos. Leon then sent his main force back to 
the Guadalupe, and taking thirty men with him went toward the 
north in search of the Frenchmen. Twenty-five leagues away, 
two of them were found in the camp of the head chief or gov- 
ernor of the Texas tribe. They were Jean de I'Archeveque, the 
writer of the letter, and his companion, Jacques Grollet. Ac- 
companied by the Texas chief, the whole party returned to the 
Guadalupe. On May 1 the two Frenchmen were submitted to a 
formal examination in which the full details of the tragic history 
of tlie colony were brought out. They explained their own 
escape by saying that on one of the early journeys of La Salle, 
they had remained behind among the Texas Indians. La Salle 
himself, they declared, had been killed by an English artillery- 
man, *^ who accompanied him. They also told of a few other 



""The letter was written with red ochre, and bore the signature 
of ".Jean de TArcheveqiie de Bayonne." When the curate, Father 
Garcia, saw this name, he at once jumped to the conclusion that it 
had been written by an archbishop; but the idea met with such ridi- 
cule that he soon gave up his theory. The French text is given 
in Historia de Nuevo Leon, 334. 

"Referring doubtless to Hiens, who was often called an Englishman 
(Cf. Parkman, op. cit., p. 421). 



106 University of Texas Bnlleiin 

survivors who were scattered among the Indians of the surround- 
ing country. Strangely enough, Areheveque and GroUet dis- 
claimed any knov/ledge of Jean Gery, and said he must have 
wandered from La Salle's fort on the Illinois.*^ 

While the two Frenchmen were telling their harrowing ex- 
periences, the chief of the Texas tribe was the object of much at- 
tention, especially from the priests. Father Massanet seems to 
have been very favorably impressed with him from the start. 
He could hardly believe that an untutored native could be en- 
dowed with so many excellent traits. The chief showed a strange 
familiarity with the Christian religion. He had some idea of a 
Supreme Being, and pointed to the sky when the word "Dios" 
was uttered. He carried an ambulatory shrine with him, 
adorned with the figures of four saints, a cross with the Christ 
painted on it, and other religious emblems. A light was kept 
burning in front of this sanctuary night and day. IMassanet at 
once came to the conclusion that the Texas were no other than 
the famous tribe called the "Titlas," who had been visited by 
the sainted Mjother Maria de Jesus, abbess of the convent of Con- 
cepcion de Agreda, during her supernatiu*al journeys to New 
Spain many years before. The chief soon confirmed this belief. 
When the good father asked him if his people had ever been 
visited by a woman wearing a habit similar to that of the priests 
the Indian promptly replied that, while lie himself had never 
se-en such a person, he remembered that his ancestors had often 
told of the visits of a beautiful lady to their country many years 
before. No further proof was needed, and it came to be gener- 
ally believed by the Spaniards that one of the nations described 
by the Venerable Mother Maria had once more been miracu- 
lously discovered. The chief was presented with many gifts, 
both b.y the priests and by Governor Leon. He expressed a 
desire to visit the Spaniards in order that he might learn more 
of their faith. To this end he asked that a guide be left behind 
to show the way to several of his kinsmen whom he would send 
to Coahuila. Leon promised that the viceroy wouUl be informed 
of the chief's desire for missionaries, and Father Massanet 



"Declarations of Areheveque and Grollet, May 1, 1689, in Auttos y 
Dillgenciaa q se an Executado, 51-.58. 



Spanish and iFrcnch Rivalry in Gulf Region 107 

assured him that he would himself return to teach them the 
mysteries of the true faith. Thus were sown the first seeds of 
missionary endeavor among- the Indians of the Great Kingdom 
of the Texas.*" 

The return to Coahuila was begun three days later. Upon 
reaching- the Nueces Eiver, Governor Leon hurried forward with 

"The story of Mother Maria de Jesus is one of the most fascinating 
of the myths of the Southwest. She was the young abbess of the 
convent of Concepcion, in tlie town of Agreda, on the boundary of 
Castile and Aragon. During the years 1620 to 1631 she claimed to 
have been transported by angels to the unknown regions north of 
New Spain, where she had preached the gospel to the heathen tribes. 
According to her own statement, she had often made as many as three 
or four trips to America in a single day. The fame of her activities 
reached its height in 1630, when Father Alonso de Benavides. custodian 
of the Franciscan missions of New Mexico, arrived in Spain. Bena- 
vides was so much interested in the story of her wanderings that he 
paid a personal visit to the convent at Agreda, and made the ac- 
quaintance of the holy nun. She told him with marvelous detail of 
many incidents connected with his missionary work in New Mexico, 
some of which, as Father Benavides naively said, had even escaped 
his own memory. She told of her visits to the Great Kingdom of 
Quivira, to the Jumano country, and to other tribes unknown to the 
Spaniards. She described in particular her work among the Titlas, 
to whom, through her intercession, the Lord had taken two priests 
to aid her ministry. The king of the Titlas had been baptized, together 
with many of his subjects, and a large church had been erected in 
that country. The apostles, including the good mother herself, had 
suffered martyrdom at the hands of these Indians. The whole story, 
as spread by Benavides, aroused a sort of religious frenzy in Spain, 
and caused many persons to desire to visit the regions described by 
Mother Maria de Jesus. The legend was well known to Father Mas- 
sanet, whose decision to work among the Indians of Coahuila seems 
to have been due to the inspiration of the sainted abbess. The facts 
related above are drawn chiefly from a small pamphlet published in 
1631 by Father Benavides, containing an account of his interview 
with the nun, and a letter written by the latter to the priests of New 
Mexico in order to encourage them in their work. A copy of this 
pamphlet is in the possession of the author. For further references 
to the story, see Benavides's Mevmrial (Translated by Mrs. E. E. 
Ayer (Chicago, 1916); Vetancur, Chronica de la Provincia del Santo 
Evangelic, 96; Texas State Historical Quarterly, i, 121-124; Massanet, 
Carta (ihid.. ii. 311); James, Palou's Life of Junipem Serni. 327-333. 



108 TJniversiiy of Texas Bulletin 

a few of his men to draw up the report of the expedition. On 
May !I6 he remitted to the viceroy a general account of his jour- 
ney, together with the diary, detailed autos, and map which had 
been made. Archeveque and Grollet were also sent to the cap- 
ital in the custody of Captain Francisco Martinez, to tell in 
person the story of their luckless colony. Jean Gery was kept 
in Coahuila.** 

The t^vo Frenchmen were examined by the viceroy on June 10, 
in the presence of Captains Fez and Barroto, who had searched 
in vain for the settlement which they had declared to be a myth. 
The declarations made by the survivors furnished additional 
details, which cleared up completely the history of La Salle's 
enterprise. Two days later Fez and Barroto definitely identified 
the bay which Captain Leon had called Espiritu Santo and the 
French, that of St. Louis, as -the one which they had repeatedly 
explored and had named San Bernardo Bay.*^ 

After three and a half years of almost ceaseless agitation and 
suspense, the mystery of the French colony on Espiritu Santo 
Bay had finally been solved. Happily for Spain, no fortified 
stronghold had been found, but only the mute remains of the 
settlement planted by the luckless adventurer who dared intrude 
within the dominions of his Most Catholic Majesty. The threat- 
ened danger was not forgotten, however, and as a result two 
important movements were to be made by Spain in the Gulf 
region. The first one, which was to be carried out without delay, 

^*Le6n to the viceroy, May 16. 1689, Auttos y Diligencias q se an 
Executado, 44-47; Leon to the Bishop of Guadalajara, May 12, 1689 
(Guadalajara, 67-1-28, 6 pp.; Derrotero of Leon (translation in Bol- 
ton, op. cit., 399-404); Historia de Nuevo Leon, 338-342; Massanet, 
Carta (Bolton, op. cit., 363-364); Clark, Beginnings of Texas, 19-22. 

*°Declarations of Archeveque and Grollet, June 10, 1689, in Auttos y 
Diligencias q se an Executado, 59-67; parecer of Fez and Barroto, June 
12, 1689, ihid., 67-69; the viceroy to the king, June 14, 1689, 3 pp. 
(Mexico, 61-6-20). 

Archeveque and Grollet were taken to Spain a few months later by 
Captain Fez, and were confined in prison at Cadiz until the summer of 
1692. when they were permitted to return to New Spain (Fetitions of 
Archeveque and Grollet, with accompanying autos, June and July, 1692, 
in Mexico, 61-6-21, 14 pp.) The later careers of the two Frenchmen in 
New Mexico has been told by Bandelier in his Gilded Man. 



Spanish and iFrench Bivalnj in Gulf Region 109 

was the founding of missions among the Texas Indians. The 
second one, conceived at the same time, but not definitely under- 
taken until still another threat was experienced from the French, 
was the occupation of Pensacola Bay. The following chapter 
will treat of the first of these movements. 



110 U niversity of Texas Bulletin 



CHAPTER VI 

THE FIRST DEFENSIVE MOVE OF SPAIN— THE FOUND- 
ING OF MISSIONS AMIONG THE "TEXAS" 
INDIANS, 1689-1694. 

Early plans for missionary worh among the Texus — The 
successful outcome of the expedition of Alonso de Leon pro- 
duced a state of singular contentment in the minds of the vice- 
regal authorities of New Spain. The happy deliverance of the 
kingdom from the long-standing peril of a French invasion 
quickened their religious zeal, and caused them to be imbued 
with a spirit of gratitude to the Almighty for the renewed proof 
of His divine aid and favor. In this pious atmosphere, the plans 
that had been conceived by the leaders of the recent expedition 
for the extension of the gospel into the newly-discovered region 
in the north were to meet with prompt and hearty approval. In 
the report Avhich Governor Leon had made to the viceroy upon 
his return to Coahuila, he dwelt at length upon the superior 
qualities of the Texas Indians, and of the country which they 
inhabited. He described the land as fertile, well-timbered, and 
blessed with a good climate, and abounding in buffalo and other 
wild game. He believed that the Texas were fully as civilized 
as the Aztec tribes had been. According to the information re- 
ceived, they lived in nine permanent settlements, were skilled 
in agriculture, and already possessed some of the rudiments of 
the Christian religion, as taught them by the woman who had 
visited them in former times. The governor of the Indians had 
promised to communicate with the Spaniards in Coahuila, and 
had asked that missionaries be sent back to live among his 
people. Governor Leon informed the viceroy that Father Mas- 
sanet was anxious to return to work among the Texas, and ex- 
pressed his conviction that, with a little aid on the part of the 
government, a bountiful harvest of souls could be reaped in the 
new region.^ 



^Le6n to the viceroy, May 16, 1689, in Aiittos y Diligencias q se an 
Executado, 44-47 (Mexico, 61-6-20). 



SpanisJi and 'French Rivalry in Gulf Region 111 

The interest of the Count of Galve was immediately aroused 
by the statements of Governor Leon. He had an extract made 
of that portion of the letter which referred to the Texas tribe, 
and asked the fiscal, Dr. Benito de Noboa Salgado, for an opin- 
ion in the matter. As a result of the latter 's favorable recom- 
mendations, a council was convoked for July 5. The tone of this 
meeting Avas exceptionally devout. The members did not fail to 
recognize the workings of divine providence in the whole series 
of events connected AAath the search for the French colony. It 
seemed to them little short of miraculous that not only should 
the danger from that source have been dissipated, but that at 
the same time an unknown treasure of souls should have been 
revealed. The junta therefore rendered thanks to the Deity for 
having used the pi-etext of the French settlement as a means 
of opening up the way for the extension of the holy gospel. Tt 
was unanimously resolved that Father Massanet's offer to return 
to work among the Texas should be accepted with due thanks, 
and that all necessary supplies should be furnished from the 
royal treasury. Governor Leon was ordered to make a report, 
embodying his suggestions as to the best means of carrying out 
the proposed work of conversion, and was urged to make every 
effort to strengthen the bond of friendship with the Texas chief. 
The council closed its deliberations with this benediction to the 
viceroy : 

May the grace of divine love dw^ell in the heart of Your Excel- 
lency, and fill your heart with spiritual consolation, and the 
health and strength necessary for the greatest success in all 
your undertakings, to the glory and honor of God our Lord, 
and the conversion of the souls of the many gentiles now living 
in darkness. - 

However, one may question the relative importance of relig- 
ious zeal as a factor in the general determination of Span- 
ish colonial policy, there can be little doubt that the first defi- 
nite steps taken by the viceregal government for the occupation 
of Texas were inspired largely by genuinely pious considera- 
tions. 



"Respuesta fiscal, July 4, 1689, in Testimo. de autos de las dilixs para 
la Seg da. entrada qe se ha de Executar a la Provincia de los Texas, 
etc, pp. 4-5; junta de hacienda, July 5, 1689, ibid.. 6-11. 



112 University of Texas Bulletin 

Shortly after the meeting of this junta, letters began to reach 
the viceroy from various individuals, urging that missionaries 
be sent to the Texas. The Bishop of Guadalajara, to whom 
Leon had sent the first word of his successful journey, promised 
to cooperate in the work. He suggested that the new mission 
field should be entrusted to the priests of the College of the 
Holy Cross, of Queretaro,^ since they had already proven their 
efficiency and zeal in other regions. He said that he had taken 
the liberty of writing to the superior of the College in regard 
to the matter.* Both of the priests who had served as chap- 
lains on the expedition from Coahuila expressed their desire to 
see missions established among the Texas. Father Massanet 
urged especially that great care be taken in the selection of the 
prelate who would have general supervision of the work, and 
at the same time delicately made known his own qualifications 
for leadership.^ These letters were followed by a formal re- 
quest from Father INIiguel de Fontcuberta, guardian of the Col- 
lege of the Holy Cross, that his college be allowed to undertake 
the work of conversion among the Texas. H'e reminded the 
viceroy that the Queretaran convent had been founded for the 
express purpose of carrying the gospel to the heathen trilies of 
New Spain, although it had been given little opportunity to 



^A Franciscan monastery de propaganda fide, founded in 1683. 

*Juan, Bishop of Guadalajara, to the viceroy, Aug. 3, 1689, ibid., 
13-15. The bishop also wrote a long letter to the king, telling of the 
favorable prospects for the founding of missions among the Texas. 
He assumed that such missions would lie within the jurisdiction of 
his bishopric, and said that he would spare no efforts to insure their 
success (the bishop to the king, July 11, 1689, enclosing Leon's letter 
of May 12; Guadalajara, 67-1-28, 11 pp.) The fiscal of the Council of 
the Indies took issue with the bishop, and questioned whether or not 
the region of Texas was included within the limits of the Bishopric of 
Guadalajara. He thought that the choice of missionaries should be 
left to the viceroy, who had already taken the necessary steps in the 
matter (Respuesta fiscal, Sept. 10, 1690, iUd., 3 pp.) The king had 
been advised of the action taken in New Spain through the letter of 
Noboa Salgado, written on July 11, and enclosing a copy of the 
respuesta given on July 4 (Mexico, 58-6-1, 4 pp.). 

The Bachiller Toribio Garcia de Sierra to the viceroy, Aug. 9, 
1689, in Testimo. de autos de las dilixs para le Segda entrada, 11-13; 
Massanet to the viceroy, Aug. 6, 16S9, ibid.. 10-11. 



Spanisli and French Eivalry in Gulf Ecyion ll:j 

engage in such Avork. Since one of the sons of the College, 
Father Massanet, had been one of the first to treat with the 
Texas chief, it seemed only fitting, the gnardian said, that the 
brethren of Massanet shonld be chosen to follow up his early 
efforts. The College did not ask for exclusive rights in the 
field, but merely desired that such action be taken as would 
lead to the greater giory of God, and the conversion of lost 
souls. ** While these representations reached the capital after 
the decision to institute work among the Texas had already been 
made, they doubtless served to confirm the authorities in the 
course of action which they had planned to follow. 

On August 12 Alonso de Leon drew up the report which had 
been called for by the junta of July 5. With a wisdom born 
of long experience among the savage tribes on the northern 
fl'ontier, he set forth an elaborate military program a.s the best 
means of insuring the success of the proposed "reduction" of 
the Texas. He advised that four new presidios should be es- 
tablished in the countrj' beyond Coahuila. The first one, gar- 
risoned by thirty men, should be located on the Eio Grande; 
the second one, of forty men, on the Rio Sarco (Frio) ; the 
third one, of sixty men, on or near the Guadalupe Ri^er, from 
which point a close watch could be kept on Espiritu Santo Bay ; 
and the fourth one, of eighty men, in the principal town of the 
Texas, to be the residence of the governor of the whole region. 
Priests should be stationed in each of these presidios, and the 
Indians "taught" the elements of Christianity and civilization. 
By such a line of forts, future French invasions could be guard- 
ed against, communication with the Texas maintained without 
interruption, and the many nations of Indians living toward 
the north brought to a knowledge of the true faith. Governor 
Leon next gave his ideas in regard to the best way of carrying 
out the new enfrada to the Texas country. The most suitable 
time for the journey, he said, would be in the following Feb- 
ruary or ]\Iarch. Only persons of good moral character should 
be enlisted. It would be impossible to obtain a sufficient number 
of such men from his own province, and recourse must be had 
to the neighboring districts of Zacatecas, Saltillo, San Luis Po- 



•Fontcuberta to the viceroy, Aug. 28, 1689, ibJfZ.. 16-19. 

8-S. 



114 Ihtive^siiij of Texas Bulletin 

tosi, and Niievo Leon. He assured the viceroy that he would 
carry out the instructions given him in regard to the treatment 
of the Texas chief. The promised visit had not yet materialized, 
but he still hoped that the Indians would come. Leon bestowed 
warm praise upon Massanet for the zeal which the latter had 
displayed, and said that he had urged the pi'iest to go to Mex- 
ico in order to lay the whole matter before the viceroy in per- 
son. '^ 

Governor Leon's plan of compulsory conversion was not to 
meet with the approval of the idealists in Mexico. The fiscal 
at once pointed out that royal ordinances provided that the 
gospel should be carried to heathen tribes, not by force of arms, 
but through evangelical preaching. The presence of a large 
number of soldiers among the Indians would only make their 
"reduction" more difficult. It seemed best, therefore, the fiscal 
said, for the priests to enter the Texas country as true apostles. 
If the natives were as docile as had been represented, a force of 
twenty-five men would be sufficient to insure the safety of the 
missionaries on the outward journey. Father Massanet should 
be allowed to choose these soldiers, however, as well as the priests 
who were to aid him in the work.^ 

Such were the pacific measures proposed by the viceroy's 
chief advisory official for the advance into the Texas country. 
Up to this point the enterprise was almost exclusively a religious 
one. But the situation was soon to be changed by the arrival 
of discjuieting news from Coahuila, which again brought to the 
fore considerations of a political nature. 

On August 28 Governor Leon reported the arrival at his pre- 
sidio of a Mescal Indian, who had been living for more than a 
year among the Texas. The Indian declared, according to Leon, 
that as soon as the Spaniards had returned to Coahuila, a number 
of Frenchmen had arrived from a gi'eat river, and had begun 
to form a settlement not far from the place where the two French- 
men, Areheveque and Grollet, had been captured. They had 
brought domestic animals with them, and two cannon. The Tex- 



'Leon to the viceroy. Aug. 12, 1689. itid., 20-25. A list of articles 
most suitable for gifts to the Indians was enclosed {_i'bid., 34-36). 
•Respuesta fiscal, Aug. 30. 1689. iUd.. 25-27. 



Spanisli and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 115 

as were assistino^ them to build houses, three of which were al- 
ready finished. Great haste was being made in the construc- 
tion of others in order to shelter the families that were to be 
brought from other large settlements. The Frenchmen had pre- 
sented the chiefs of the Texas and of several other tribes with 
patents as governor, and had bestowed many gifts upon the In- 
dians. They had announced that on three different occasions 
they had attempted to settle near the coast, but each time had 
been attacked by the hostile natives; that now they intended to 
settle near the Texas, w^ho were good people, and would not 
molest them. The Mescal said that, although the strangers had 
tried to disparage the Spaniards, the Texas chief had refused 
to believe any evil of his new friends. He added that the chief 
had sent word that some of his people would soon visit Coa- 
huila, so that priests might be sent back to live among them. 
As soon as Governor Leon heard the remarkably detailed stors^ 
of the Indian, he despatched a special courier to the capital to 
inform the viceroy of the new developments. He stated in his 
letter that he had sent Jean Gery to the Rio Grande to await 
the expected visitors, with instructions to treat them with all 
courtesy and consideration. ° 

Shortly before the courier reached Mexico with these alarm- 
ing rumors, news had been received from Spain announcing 
the renewal of hostilities with France. The long-expected vio- 
lation of the truce of Ratisbon had been made by Louis XIV in 
the previous April, and had been followed immediately by a 
counter-declaration of war on the part of Spain. Formal noti- 
fication of the rupture had been sent to the viceroys and gover- 
nors of the Spanish colonies on May 24, accompanied by the 
usual instructions in regard to the adoption of proper precau- 
tionary measures for the defense of the king's colonial domin- 
ions.^** The changed international situation was to cause the high 



•Leon to the viceroy, Aug. 28, 1689, enclosing the declaration of the 
Mescal Indian, ihid., 27-34. 

"The king first notified the Council of the Indies of the declaration 
of war by France on May 13, enclosing a printed translation of the 
French king's manifesto in justification of his action. This document 
stated in substance that France had sincerely desired to maintain the 
truce of 1684, but that Spain's threatening attitude had left no other 
recourse but a prior declaration of war by France. (MS. in Indifer- 
ente General, 141-3-7.) 



116 University of Texas BHlletin 

officials of New Spain to regard with serious apprehension the 
vague reports of renewed French incursions, which were now 
transmitted by Governor Leon. 

The fiscal's preliminary report was made on September 8. 
He believed that the new French settlement, if actually in ex- 
istence, would be a source of much danger to the kingdom in 
view of the declaration of war with France, and advised that 
Governor Leon should be instructed to return to the Texas coun- 
try with the troops he might deem necessary in order to investi- 
gate fully the activities of the French. The missionaries could 
accompany the expedition, and remain among the Texas, if the 
latter were still willing to receive them. The fiscal again mani- 
fested his opposition to any attempt to convert the natives by 
a display of military force, repeating his opinion that the Cath- 
olic faith should be spread only by peaceful methods.^^ 

A general council was called by the viceroy on September 10 
to discuss the situation in the light of the new complications that 
had arisen. All previous action taken in regard to the conver- 
sion of the Texas was carefully reviewed, as well as the latest 
reports from Coahuila. The junta concluded, in accordance with 
the opinion of the fiscal, that since the news of renewed French 
activity seemed worthy of all credence, arrangements should be 
made forthwith for the proposed entrada to the Texas country. 
Governor Leon should be ordered, as chief in command, to send 
in detailed estimates of the troops and .supplies that would be 
needed. Since the expedition could not be made before February 
or March, it should be understood that all orders issued would 
be subject to change upon receipt of later advices from the north. 
Preliminary arrangements, however, could be begun without 
delay. Governor Leon should first send out a number of sol- 
diers and priasts to visit the tribes near Coahuila, thus paving 
the way for the main expedition. He was to be informed that 
his plan of establishing a cordon of presidios, while very credi- 
table to his loyalty and zeal, could not be adopted at that time, 
as all appearances of intimidation must be avoided. He was alsio 
to be instructed to send the Mescal Indian back to the Texas in 



"Respiiesta fiscal, Sept. 9, 1689, in Testimo. de autos de las dilixs. 
para la Segda. entrada, 29-31. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 117 

order to find out why the Indians had failed to make their 
promised visit, and at the same time to secure further details 
concerning the new French settlement. When all reports were 
in, definite action could then be taken by the government. The 
various orders suggested in tlie junta were issued by the viceroy 
on the same day.^- 

If the reports sent in by Governor Leon had been deliberately 
fabricated in order to induce the central authorities to send 
another elaborate military expedition into the northern country, 
they were cleverly drawn up, and proved entirely successful. 
There can be little doubt that Leon's efforts to interest the gov- 
ernment in the Texas had been prompted by motives of ma- 
terial gain rather than by zeal for the welfare of the souls of the 
natives. According to Father Massanet, the story of the new 
French settlement was a gross misrepresentation, with no founda- 
tion other than the statement of an Indian to the effect that six 
Frenchmen had lost their way, and were wandering among the 
Texas." The authorities in Mexico, however, seem to have had 
no doubts as to the truthfulness of Leon's report. That the 
danger of renewed French incursions in the Gulf region was 
not a far-fetched phantasm will be readily perceived when it is 
remembered that Tonty's Arkansas post had been in existence 
since 1686, and that in the winter of 1689-1690 Tonty himself 
actually penetrated to the Texas country, with the design, in 
part, of leading a combined force of Frenchmen and savages 
against the Spanish settlements.^* While the weight of evidence 
seems to point to some duplicity on the part of Governor Leon, 
and a patent willingness to magnify the slightest rumors into 
a mass of plausible details, the fact that the French were really 
settled in the lower Mississippi region at the time may perhaps 
have given rise to the Indian tales as reported by Leon, and may 
well lead one to hesitate before declaring that his statements 
were entirely devoid of justification. 



".Junta general, Sept. 10. 1689, ibid.. 36-41. 

"Massanet, Carta, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 
366. This statement was made after bad feeling had arisen between 
Leon and Massanet. 

"Memoir du sieur de Tonty, in French, Historical Collections of 
Louisiana, Part I. 71-78 (ed. 1846). See below, pages 123-124 and note. 



118 University of Texas Bulletin 

Governor Leon made a comprehensive report on October 19, 
replying to all of the points that had been raised by the junta 
of September 10. He said that in obedience to the viceroy's 
orders he had endeavored to obtain more definite information 
about the French colony. The Mescal Indian had been ques- 
tioned again, and stated that the Frenchmen who were living 
near the Texas were eighteen in number, but that others were 
expected to arrive from a large river ten days' journey away.^' 
As far as could be learned, Leon said, the attitude of the Texas 
Indians was still favorable. He said that he had sent out em- 
issaries to meet the expected visitors, and had learned that some 
of the Texas had actually started to Coahuila, but had returned 
home again because two of their number had been killed by hos- 
tile Indians on the way. They had sent word, however, that they 
would await the priests in their pueblos.^'' Although the French 
were only eighteen in number, and the Indians between Coa- 
huila and Texas were friendly and docile, Governor Leon be- 
lieved that it would be unwise to make the proposed expedition 
with less than one hundred and ten men ; eighty of these to 
remain among the Texas Math the missionaries, and thirty to re- 
turn to Coahuila and report." He thought that twelve priests 
would be sufficient to start with. Father Mlassanet, who was 
on the paint of leaving for the capital, would inform the vice- 
roy in regard to the ecclesiastical side of the enterprise. Leon 
promised to make the preliminary expedition to conciliate the 
tribes nearest Coahuila, and to send the Mescal Indian on the 
mission suggested by the viceroy." 

The fiscal made no attempt to pass upon the important ques- 



"Leon suggested that these expected settlers might be coming from 
the town from which Jean Gery had wandered. 

"Massanet said that he found no knowledge of this incident among the 
Texas when he reached their country. (Carta. 366.) 

"Fifty of these troops should be drawn from the presidios of Nueva 
Vizcaya, and the remainder from Zacatecas, Saltillo, and Nuevo Leon. 
Le6n enclosed a list of supplies that would be needed. He recom- 
mended Diego Ramon as a suitable person to command the troops 
that might be left among the Texas. 

"Leon to the viceroy, Oct. 19, 1689, in Testimo. de autos de las dillxs. 
para la Segda. entrada 42-45. The estimates of supplies and troops are 
ibid., 41-42 



Sp<J)iisli and French Bivalry in Gulf Region 111) 

tioiis that must be decided in eonneetion with Leon's report, but 
advised that the whole matter be submitted to the viceroy's ad- 
visory council.^" A junta general was accordingly called in the 
latter part of November to take definite and final action. Father 
]Massanet was present at this meeting. The proceedings were of 
a most voluminous nature. The junta first ]*eaf firmed the ne- 
cessity for sending a new expedition to the Texas country. It 
was argued that, since the king had spared no expense in in- 
vestigating the truth of the rep'Orts of L^ Salle's colony, there 
could l)e no question but that further action was indispensable 
in order to clear up the new rumors that had been received. 
Whether the French were many or few, they must be expelled. 
»0f no less importance, the junta thought, was the conversion 
of the Texas. The fact that these Indians had been brought 
to the attention of the Spaniards though a matter so remote 
from any idea of their conversion could only be due to the work- 
ings of divine providence."" Governor Leon was therefore to be 
given to understand that he was expected to accomplish two ob- 
jects : First, he w'as to stamp out the last vestige of French 
occupation, so that no uneasiness whatever might be felt in the 
future. To this end, he was to penetrate to the site of La Salle's 
settlement, destroy it, and send out searching parties until every 
Frenchman in the region was foimd and taken into custody. 
Second, he should then proceed to investigate the possibility of 
founding the proposed missions. He should communicate with 
the Texas Indians, and learn whether or not they were willing 
for missionaries to reside among them. It could then be de- 
termined w^hether the priests should remain alone, or whether 
a force of soldiers should be left for their protection.-^ The 
junta also passed upon the various routine matters connected 



"Respuesta fiscal, Nov. 9, 1689, ibid.. 45-47. 

-"This statement, as well as others of a like nature in the documents 
of the period, is in direct opposition to Professor Bolton's view that the 
Spanish occupation of Texas was due, not to fear of the French alone, 
but also to a long-standing desire to i-each the Texas nation. (Cf. 
Bolton, "The Spanish Occupation of Texas," in the Southwestern 
Historical Quarterly, xvi, 1-26, especially pp. 24-26.) 

-'In the latter event, Captain Diego Ramon was to be left in com- 
mand of the troops, as Leon had suggested. 



120 University of Texas Bulletin 

with the expedition. Leon was to be allowed to have the one 
hundred and ten men he had requested, twenty to be enlisted 
from the presidios of Cuencame and El Gallo in Nueva Vizcaya, 
and the rest from Zaeatecas, Sombrerete, Saltillo, and Nuevo 
Leon. Father Massanet was given a vote of thanks for the zeal 
that he had displayed, and was promised liberal supplies of 
necessities and luxuries for the use of himself and his associ- 
ates.^^ 

The plans for the extension of Spanish influence into the 
region of Texas had thus passed beyond the realm of discussion 
into that of definite action. While the renewed fears of foreign 
encroachment had served to transform the new expedition from 
a peaceful missionary entrada into an avowedly aggressive cam- 
paign, the danger from the French was not considered suffi- 
ciently alarming to justify the military occupation of the north- 
ern country. The mission alone was to be employed as a means 
of maintaining Spanish claims. Through an alliance with the 
supposedly powerful Texas nation, a barrier was to be erected 
to further intrusions on the part of the French.^^ 

The Leon Expedition of 1690, and the founding of Mission 
Sa.n Francisco de los Texas. — It was not until the latter part of 
March, 1690, that the expedition was made ready, and set out 
from Coahuila. Five priests had been secured from the College 
of Queretaro, in addition to Father Massanet, who served as 
ecclesiastical commissary. Two of the priests, however, did not 



-^Junta general, in Testimo. de autos de las dilixs. de la Segda. en- 
trada, 52-65. The exact date of the junta is not clear. Velasco in his 
"Dictamen Fiscal" of 1716 gives the date as November 18, but this is 
obviously incorrect, as the preliminary reply of the fiscal was not made 
•until the 19th. The meeting was probably held on the 19th, or possibly 
the 20th. Massanet gives a brief account of the preliminary arrange- 
ments. As usual, he makes it appear that all action taken was due 
chiefly to his own solicitation and advice {Carta. 367-368). The viceroy 
reported the matter to the king on December 30. 1689. He said that 
since the enterprise was the Lord's, it was bound to result in success 
(Mexico, 61-6-21, 6 pp.) Cf. Clark, op. cit.. 22-23, for an account based 
on Velasco's "Dictamen" of 1716. See also, Historia de Nuevo Ledn, 
380-381, for a brief treatment. 

^^See the statement of the junta general to this effect, in Testimo. de 
autos de las dilixs. de la Segda. entrada, 59. 



Spanisli and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 121 

continue the journey to Texas, but were assigned to the new 
mission of San Salvador, an offshoot of Massanet's old mission 
of Caldera.-* Among the new personages was Captain Gregorio 
de Salinas Varona, who had recently arrived in New Spain after 
a long period of service in Flandere.-^ He was soon to become 
a prominent character in the history of the northern frontier 
and Gulf region. One figure that had been conspicuous on the 
previous expedition was now missing. Old Jean Gery was no 
longer present to mystify the Spaniards with his disjointed 
tales.-*' The Querns Indian again served as guide. The person- 
nel of the soldiers, in spite of Governor Leon's desire to secure 
only those of good character, does not seem to have been very 
suitable for the enterprise under way. Many of them were raw 
recruits, drawn from the ranks of tailors, shoemakers, carpen- 
ters, and miners, with little knowledge of or respect for the dis- 
cipline of military life. The twenty soldiers from Nueva Vis- 
caya were delayed, and did not join the expedition until several 
weeks after its departure from Coahuila. 

Following approximately the same route as before, the com- 
pany crossed the Rio Grande, and reached the old camp on the 
Guadalupe River after about a month's journey. Reports of 
stragging Frenchmen had been received from the Indians, but 
none had been seen up to this time. Oh April 25 Governor 
Leon took a force of twenty men, and descended to the ruined 
settlement. The fort was burned, and the surrounding country 
then reconnoitered as far as Espiritu Santo Bay. Two objects 
supposed to be buoys were observed in the bay near the mouth 

-"These two were Fathers Hidalgo and Perea. Those who went on 
to Texas were Fathers Fontcuberta, the former guardian, Jesus Maria, 
Bordoy, and Massanet. 

=°Salinas had served more than twenty-four years in Flanders, and 
was retired with the rank of captain, and a pension of 25 escudos. He 
was sent to Mexico in 1687 to serve under Viceroy Monclova, in com- 
pany with a number of other retired officers from Spain. Petition of 
Salinas. 1690. Guadalajara, 66-5-12; Relacion de servicios de Gregorio 
de Salinas Varona, June 20, 1701, in Testimonio de los meritos del 
Bachiller D. Eusevio Jose Salinas, 1788; Mexico, 89-6-8, 11 pp.) 

■■'"Whether the Frenchman was ill or had already died, the writer Is 
unable to determine. The latter was probably the case. At any rate, 
he appears no more in the events of the period. 



122 University of Texas BulleUn 

of the San Marcos (Lavaca) River, but the party had no means 
of reaching them, and they were not investigated. While the 
main body remained in camp on the Guadalupe, Leon sent out 
searching parties in various directions, but no trace of foreign- 
ers was secured until May 4, when an Indian of the Texas tribe 
was encountered, who said that a number of Frenchmen were 
living among his people. He offered, for due remuneration, to 
notify his chief of the return of the Spaniards. A bargain was 
struck, and the Indian departed on his mission. Orders were 
now given for the whole company to proceed northward to the 
Texas country. A few days later two French boys, survivors of 
La Salle's colony, were captured near the Colorado River.-" The 
expedition was met a few leagues below the Trinity River by the 
governor of the Texas, who manife.stcd much joy at the return 
of his friends. Eighteen leagues northeast of the Trinity, the 
first settlements of his tribe were reached, and the company 
went into camp not far from the residence of the chief. The 
next few days were given over to religious ceremonies, and to the 
founding of a mission, which was formally dedicated on June 
1, under the name of "San Francisco de los Texas.'"-'* Leon 
wished to leave a garrison of fifty men in the pueblo, but as the 
Indian gove-rnor objected to the presence of so many unmarried 
men, and gave assur;uices that the priests would be safe, it was 
decided that only three soldiers should remain with the priests.-" 
While the mission was being founded, Governor Leon had not 
forgotten the primary object of the expedition, and had been 
making inquiries concerning the French. The Indian governor 
informed him that on the very day that the courier had arrived 



^'They were Pierre Talon and Pierre Meusnier, aged twelve and 
twenty years, respectively. 

-The mission was built in the center of the Indian settlement, and 
was about four miles west of the Neches River, near San Pedro Creek. 
For a detailed discussion of the site, see Bolton, "Native Tribes About 
the East Texas Missions," in the Texas State Historical Quarterly, xi, 
263-26.5. 

="The vicious conduct of some of the soldiers toward the native women 
was responsible for the refusal of the chief to allow a garrison to be 
left. Even the wife of the chief himself was not immune fmm at- 
tempted insult. 



Spnnisli and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 123 

with the news of the Spaniards' return, four white men had sent 
a message in which they asked for the friendship of the Texas, 
and announced their desire to establish a settlement near them. 
The chief said that he had immediately sent word to the strangers 
that he could not receive them, as he had just received notice 
that his friends, the Spaniards, were then en route to see him. 
This interesting news prompted Leon to request the chief to 
make a formal declaration, in which further details were brought 
out. The Indian said that the four men had not entered his 
pueblo, but had stopped at a place about three days' journey 
from another settlement of his people ; that as soon as they had 
heard of the approach of the Spaniards, they had gone back with 
their guides, telling the Indians that they would' return in the 
spring to establish the settlement. They had a.sked the chief to 
accept a certain document, and when he declined, had left it in 
a tree. They told the Indians to say nothin^g of their visit to the 
Spaniards, as the latter were bad people. Three of the men, the 
chief said, were survivors of the former settlement near the 
ooast, and the fourth was reported to have only one hand, it 
being necessary for him to support his gun on his arm in order 
to fire it. According to common report, they had returned 
toward the east, crossing a large river in canoes, and continuing 
their journey until they reached their settlement, said to be 
located on another large river. ''^ 

The convincing details of the Indian governor's' story, in 
which one may I'eadily recognize a description of La Salle's 
faithful lieutenant, the "Iron-Handed" Tonty,^^ seemed to in- 



'"Declaration of the Indian governor, May 28. 1690, in Testimonio do 
Autos en orden.a las dilixs y resulta de ellas pa la entrada pr. Tierra 
a los Paraxes de la Vahya del Spiritu sto, 38-40. 

''^Tonty left Fort St. Louis on the Illinois in the autumn of 1689 on 
his second attempt to find the survivors of La Salle's colony. He also 
planned to lead a force of savages against the Spanish settlements in 
Mexico. He descended the Mississippi to the Arkansas, where he had 
left a post of ten men in 1686. He reached the Natchitoches village on 
Red River in February, and thence made his way to the Caddos. On 
April 6 he started southward to find La Salle's settlement. He went 
as far as one of the Nabedache villages, but had to turn back because 
the Indians refused to supply him with guides. He arrived at the Red 



124 University of Texas Bulletin 

dieate that the French were settled in the Gulf region, and 
that they were still endeavoring to gain a foothold in the Texas 
country. Governor Leon came definitely to the conclusion that 
another settlement must exist somewhere toward the east. In 
the absence of specific information in regard to its location, how- 
ever, no move was made to reconnoiter it. There seemed to be 
no immediate danger from the French, and the old uncertainty 
was to continue. 

On June 2 leave was taken of the Texas and the six Spaniards 
who remained behind. Father Massanet returned with the expe- 
dition to promote the plans that he had formed for the exten- 
sion of the missions. Four of the kinsmen of the chief started 
for the capital to visit the viceroy. Two of them persevered, 
and actually reached MJexico.^- Upon arriving at the Guadalupe 
River, Leon learned that three French children were being held 
by the Indians of the coast. A few leagues south of La Salle's 
old fort, the captives were found — two boys and a girl. After 
the payment of a ransom and a sharp fight with the Indians. 
Leon secured possession of the children. The company was 
delayed at the Rio Grande for several days on account of high 
water, and the time was utilized by Gbvernor Leon in drawing 
lip his final report of tlie expedition. On July 12 the complete 
autos were forwarded to the viceroy, in care of Captain Sali- 
nas. The Frenchman, Pierre Meusnier, was also sent to Mexico 
at this time.^^ 



^-One of the Indians was killed at Queretaro. The other, who -wfas 
the nephew of the chief, went on to see the viceroy. He was baptized, 
and given the name of Bernardino, returning to Texas in the following 
year. 

^''The chief authority for the expedition of 1690 consists of an 
expediente entitled, "Testimonio de autos en orden a las dilixs. y resulta 
de ellas pa. la entrada pr Tierra a los Paraxes de la Vahya de] Spiritu 
sto. Mexico, 61-6-21, 101 pp. It contains the diary of the expedition, 
the sworn autos and accounts, and many hitherto unknown letters of 
Leon, Massanet, and other officials. The diary has recently been made 

River again on May 10. In view of the above facts, taken from Tonty's 
own account, it is seen that the story told by the Indian chief was 
approximately correct (Cf. Memoir de Henri de Tonty, translated in 
French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part I, 71-7S; ed. 1846). 



Spanisli and 'French Rivalry in Gulf Uegion 125 

In his general report to the vieeror. Governor Leon claimed 
that he had snccessfully fulfilled the two main objects of the ex- 
pedition. He had proven the falsity of the report that the 
French had established a new settlement near the Texas, and he 
had made it possible for the priests to begin their labors under 
favorable auspices. He again urged the viceroy, however, tc 
undertake the military occupation of the country, and marshalled 
all available arguments to support his proposal. He referred 
to the activities of the four Frenchmen, and the possibility that 
another settlement existed somewhere toward the east. He now 
added a new detail, and said that two strange priests were said 
to be working among the tribes north of the Texas. He said 
that there was still danger that the French would invade the 
northern provinces of New Spain, and thought that no perm- 
anent success would be obtained among the many heathen tribef> 
until Spanish settlements and presidios should be established.^* 

New plans for flie Texas mission field. — While the authorities 
in Mexico were gratified at the favorable inauguration of mis- 
sionary work among the Texas, they were by no means pleased 
to learn that Governor Leon had failed to run down the fresh 
reports of French activities. They noted particularly the alln- 
sion to the buoys in E.spiritu Santo Bay, and Captain Salinas 
was called upon to explain why these signs of French occupa- 
tion had not been removed, in accordance with the strict instruc- 
tions of the viceroy to leave no trace of foreign domination. 
Captain Salinas said that the exploring party had been unable 
to reach the buoys because of the lack of boats. Both Salinas 
and the Frenchman, Pierre Meusnier, were questioned in regard 
to the rumored French settlement toward the east, but neither 
was able to throw any additional light upon its location. Salinas 



"Leon to the viceroy, July 12, 1690, in Testimonio de autos en orden 
a las dilixs. etc., 46-53. Massanet also sent in a brief account of the 
expedition on July 15 (ibid., 6-8). 

available by Professor Bolton, in his Spanish Exploration in the .8Quth- 
west, 405-423. This testimonio was sent by the viceroy to the king with 
letter of Dec. 28, 1690, and was received in Spain in November, 1691. 
Other important sources are Massanet's Carta. 368-387, and Historia de 
Nuevo Leon. 380-394. Cf. also Clark, op. cit.. 23-27. 



126 Uiiiversitij of 'Texas Bulletin 

justified Leon for his failure to search for it, stating that, ac- 
cording to the best information available, it was a great distance 
away.^^ 

After the customary preliminary recommendations of the 
advisory officials,^*^ a junta general was held on August 29 to 
discuss the various questions that had arisen. It was decided 
to postpone further action looking to the extension of missionary 
work among the northern tribes until more detailed reports 
could be secured from Leon and Massanet. The presence of the 
buoys in Espiritu Santo Bay, however, was deemed such a seri- 
ous matter that the junta resolved that the viceroy should take 
the necessary steps for their immediate removal."'' In conse- 
quence, a vessel under the command of Captain Francisco de 
Llanos was sent out from Vera Cruz to San Bernardo Bay early 
in October. Manuel de Cardenas served as chief engineer, and 
Captain Salinas was in charge of the land operations. The 
leaders were instructed to remove the buoys, find out whether 
communication by water could be opened up with the Texas, 
and examine the bay with a view to the construction of forti- 
fications. The buoys were found to be nothing more alarming 
than two logs that had been east on end by the currents. No 
navigable river to the Texas country Avas discovered. More 
than a month was spent in exploring the bay and its vicinity, 
however, careful drawings were made of the topography, and 
much useful information acquired for future operations/"' 



"Declarations of Salinas and Meusnier, Aug. 19, 1690, ibid., 54-57 and 
57-63. The autos of the expedition and Leon's letter of July 12 were 
sent to the auditor de guerra on August 16 (ibid., 53). 

"The auditor reported on August 20 (ibid.. 64-65); the fiscal, on 
August 29 (ibid., 65-66). 

"Junta general, ibid., 66-67. The auditor had suggested the sending 
of a maritime expedition from Vera Cruz to remove the buoys. The 
fiscal opposed this measure as being unnecessary, since the French had 
given abundant proof that they had no further interest in Espfritu 
Santo Bay. 

^*Testimo. de las Dilixs executadas para quitar las Boyas, o Valisas en 
el Lago de San Bernardo que llaman Vahia del Spiritu sto (Mexico, 
61-6-21, 34 pp.) ; Diario de la deRota que han echo para la Bahiya de S. 
Bernardo . . . Dn. Frco. de Llanos, el Capan. Dn. Gregorio Salinas y 
Don Manuel de Cardenas . . . Sacado por dho Dn. Manuel Ano de 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 127 

Before the Llanos-Cardenas expedition had gotten under 
way, Father INIassanet had been asked to make a comprehen- 
sive report, embodying- his recommendations for the develop- 
ment of the northern mission field. He was requested to give 
a general description of the country and the natives, and to 
suggest proper measures for the extension of missionary work 
among the Texas and other tribes. For the first time, as far 
as the writer has found, the idea of colonization in the true 
sense of the term now appears in the documents or the period. 
Massanet was also asked to give, his opinion in regard to suit- 
able sites for the establishment of Spanish settlements.^^ 

Massanet made the desired report in September. He first 
told in general terms of the various groups of Indians inhab- 
iting the country north of Coahuila. From the last missions 
of that province to the Rio de la Santisima Trinidad (Trinity), 
the natives were divided into a large number of petty tribes. 
They had no fixed habitations, and did not remain in one place 
long enough to cultivate the soil. The establishment of missions 
among such Indians would necessarily entail more expense than 
would those founded among the more highly civilized tribes, 
such as the Texas. Toward the west was the great Auache 
nation, enemies alike of the Texas and the Spaniards. North 
of the Texas were the friendly Cadodacho, a populous nation 
living in four large settlements, and, possessing an organized 
fonn of government. Still further north were the tribes refer- 
red to by Mother Mkria Jesus de Agreda.'*'* Father Massanet 
expressed the hope that even these remote peoples might eventu- 
ally be reached, and brought to a knowledge of the faith. 

Massanet thought that it would be desirable to found seven 
new missions, in addition to the one already existing. Four 
of these should be placed among the Cadodacho, two additional 



^The viceroy's order is not available, but its contents are indicated 
by the opening paragraph of Massanet's report. 
**8upra, page 106, and note 43. 

1690, 16 pp. (ihid.) For an account of this expedition in connection with 
the site of La Salle's fort, see Bolton, "The Location of La Salle's Set- 
tlement on the Gulf of Mexico," in Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 
ii, 165-182. The map drawn l)y Cftrdenas is reproduced in that article. 



128 University of Texas Bulletin 

ones among the Texas, and one on the Guadalupe River. Four- 
teen priests and seven lay brothers would suffice to administer 
these new conversions. Supplies for the priests who had re- 
mained at San Francisco de los Texas, as well as for the others 
who were to go forth, should be made ready without delay. 
Massanet asked most earnestly that no presidio be placed among 
the Texas, and that none of the soldiers be allowed to enter the 
houses of the Indians, lest the outrages perpetrated on the last 
expedition should be repeated. He thought it would be well to 
provide the Texas with a Spanish protector, and that workmen 
be sent to teach them the most useful trades. 

In regard to suitable sites for Spanish settlements, Massanet 
said that the Guadalupe River country would be an excellent 
place, and that a colony there would be the only one that would 
be needed for the time being. The region was about half way 
between Coahuila and Texas, it passessed all desirable quali- 
fications for a colony, and was of strategic importance because 
of its proximity to Espiritu Santo Bay. Massanet reminded 
the viceroy that the French were still to be feared, and that it 
would be folly to permit them to seize the bay again, as they 
might well attempt to do. If it were decided to establish a 
settlement, it should be placed at the entrance to the bay, and 
kept distinct from the mission, to be founded on the river. Sol- 
diers could be sent as colonists, their salaries being paid in 
advance for one year, and the customary aid of two hundred 
pesos furnished them, as had been done in Coahuila. They 
should have a paymaster, and receive their salaries in actual 
money instead of supplies. A protector for the Indians of this 
region should also be provided. Such were the chief features 
of Massanet 's plan for the planting of a Spanish colony in 
Texas, and for the occupation of San Bernardo Bay.*^ 

Father Massanet 's influence was paramount now, and his 
suggestions were favorably received, with the exception of his 
plan for a Spanish colony. The fiscal held that no action should 
be taken on that point until the success of the whole Texas nro- 



^'Massanet to the viceroy, September, 1690, in Testimonio de autos en 
orden a las dilixs, 75-83. The estimate of supplies for the new missions 

is iUd.. 84-87. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 129 

ject was assured, and the king could be informed of every- 
tMng.*^ At a junta de hacienda held on October 16, it was 
decided that the work should be continued along the lines sug- 
gested by Massanet. No presidios were to be established, and 
only such soldiers provided as the priests might desire to assist 
them. Alonso de Leon's military program was thus again 
pushed into the background, and ecclesiastical influence and 
ideas continued to be supreme.*^ Orders were now sent to 
Nuevo Leon for the gathering of the necessary supplies. The 
authorities did not forget, however, the last reports communi- 
cated by Governor Leon in regard to French activities. Since 
there might be some truth in these rumors, it seemed advisable 
to place a suitable person with military experience in charge of 
the expedition. Governor Leon could not be spared from his 
province, as on former occasions, and the enterprise had reached 
■ such proportions that a special official should be provided who 
could give his undivided attention to it. It was therefore re- 
solved in another junta of November 28 that the viceroy should 
appoint a suitable leader, to be given the rank of governor and 
commander-in-chief (oabo principal), with a salary of 2500 
pesos per year.** With this action, the connection of Alonso 
de Leon with the history of Texas practically comes to an •end. 
There are some indications that he had already fallen into dis- 
favor with his superiors, and had lost much of the influence that 
he formerly possessed.*^* His death in March of the following 
year was to bring to a close his long and useful career on the 
northern frontier.**' 

The expedition of Domingo Terdn de los Rios, 1691-1692.— 



^^'Respuesta fiscal, Oct. 10, 1690, iUd., 87-88. 

"Junta de hacienda, iMd., 88-93. 

"Junta de hacienda, iUd., 98-101. 

^'Charges of fraud in the purchase of supplies for the expedition of 
1690 were made against Leon, and were substantiated by Captain Fran- 
cisco Martinez (Testimony of Martinez, Oct. 9, 1690, iUd., 68-7.) 

"The date of his death is inferred from a letter of Diego Ramon 
to the viceroy, March 25, 1691, reporting Leon's death, and announcing 
that he had assumed charge of the province (the viceroy to Diego 
Ramon, April 5, 1691, cited in Portillo, Apuntes para la Historia 
Antigua de Coahuila y Texas, 240-241. 



9-S. 



130 University of Texas Bulletin 

The viceroy appointed as incumbent of the new post that had 
been created, Domingo Te-ran de los Rios. Teran had been in 
the royal service for thirty years, the first twenty of which were 
spent in Peru. He had gone to Vera Cruz in 1681 as deputy 
of the Consulado of Seville, was later made captain of a company 
of infantry in the. Castle of San Juan de Ulua, and from 1686 
to 1689 was governor of the provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa. 
His services in pacifying the natives on the western coast, and 
especially in opening up a valuable mine, had earned for him 
the favor of the king, who had instructed the viceroy to pro- 
vide Teran with a suitable office. His patent as governor of the 
provinces to be carved out of the Texas country and adjoining 
regions was dated January 23, 1691.*' On the same day de- 
tailed instructions were drawn up for his guidance. The open- 
ing paragraph stated briefly the general purposes of the expe- 
dition. They were three in number. First, the founding of 
eight** missions among the Texas and neighboring tribes; sec- 
ond, the exploration of the country and its rivers; third, the 
thorough investigation of the rumors of foreign settlements. 

The route to be followed, and the methods of dealing with 
the natives were carefully prescribed. The roundabout course 
by way of Espiritu Santo Bay should be abandoned, and a 
direct road opened up to the Texas. Teran was urged to take 
great care in drawing up the official diary, giving a full descrip- 
tion of the country, its products, and the natives. Names 
should be given to all new rivers discovered. Every effort 
should be made to continue the friendly relations with the 
Texas. Before entering their pueblo, messengers should be sent 
to learn their pleasure. Their wishes should be deferred to in 
every particular, when the necessary steps were taken for the 
founding of the new missions. If it should be found advisa- 
ble, as seemed to be the case, to establish missions among the 
Cadodacho, the same conciliatory policy should be followed as 
with the Texas. All supplies for the missions were to be under 
the control of Massanet and his fellow-priests. No important 



*^A statement of Teran's services is contained in a document enclosed 
with letter of TerSn to the king, Jan. 30, 1691, 26 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 
**Tliis number included the first mission of San Francisco. 



Spanish and French Kivulry in Gulf Region 131 

action should be taken without due consultation with them. 
Teran was distinctly given to understand that his part ni the 
founding of the missions was to be limited to the control of the 

troops. 

His chief duty, in fact, was to be the exploration of the prov- 
ince of Texas and the surrounding region. He was to try to dis- 
cover any navigable rivers, especially the large stream that was 
said to divide the settlements of the Cadodacho, and one men- 
tioned in former reports as being near the Texas village. In 
this connection, he was to learn whether the French or any other 
foreign nations were settled in the region, and to apprehend any 
intruders he might find. A summary of the last reports con- 
cerning the activities of the French, as sent in by Governor 
Leon, was included for Teran 's information. In order to facili- 
tate the work of exploration, he was informed, a maritime ex- 
pedition would be sent to San Bernardo Bay to cooperate with 
the land forces. After all of the foregoing instructions had been 
carried out, Teran was to return to Mexico, and report in per- 
son to the viceroy.*^ 

Teran was very much dissatisfied with the arrangements for 
the expedition. He was given only fifty men with which to 
make the journey by land. He felt that this number was too 
small for the extensive work before him, and disliked, as well, 
the restrictions that were placed upon his authority. Shortly 
after his appointment, Teran wrote to the king, complaining of 
the meager provisions that had been made, but promising to do 
all in his power to make the expedition a success.^" 

The expedition which Teran was to lead was intended to 
produce little immediate change in the nature of Spanish estab- 
lishments in Texas. While a notable extension of Spanish in- 
fluence was planned, the region was still to remain exclusively 
a mission field. A governor had been appointed, but no pro- 
vision made for his residence. In other words, there was yet to 
be no attempt made to give to Texas the characteristic features 

«Ynstrucciones dadas por el Superior Govierno pa. que se observen 
en la entrada de la Provincia de Texas, Jan. 23, 1691, Historia, xxvii, 
16-23 (Archive General y Publico, Mexico, D. F.). 

""Teran to the king, Jan. 30, 1691, Mexico, 61-6-21, 4 pp. 



132 University of Texas Bulletin 

of a frontier province. It is not from the, local aspect of Texas, 
however, but rather from a larger point of view that the chief 
importance of the proposed expedition is to be found. It was 
to constitute a part of the general plans then under ccmsidera- 
tion by the Spanish government for the development and de- 
fence of the whole Gulf region. The work of Teran, in explor- 
ing the western portion of this region, would fit in admirably 
with the movement already under way for the occupation of 
Pensacola Bay.^^ The two movements combined would result 
in the extension of Spanish dominion in unbroken fashion from 
St. Augustine to the city of Mexico, and the entire Gulf region 
would be protected from the ambitious encroachments of the 
French. 

The land expedition under the command of Governor Teran 
set out from Coahuila on May 16, 1691, being composed of fifty 
soldiers, ten priests, and three lay brothers. The maritime di- 
vision, consisting of two vessels, did not leave Vera Cruz until 
more than a month later. It was under the general command 
of Juan Enriquez Barroto, now a captain, while Gregorio de 
Salinas was in charge of the fifty troops that were sent to co- 
operate with Teran. According to the instructions of the vice- 
roy, Teran was to halt his company at a convenient spot, and 
send Captain Martinez to the coast to meet the ships, after which 
the combined forces were to proceed to Texas. The land expedi- 
tion followed the old route as far as the Rio Hondo, but at that 
point it struck out directly across the country to the Texas settle- 
ments. Teran had already begun to bestow new names on all of 
the streams that were crossed. The Rio Grande became the Rio 
del Norte ; the Nueces, the San Diego ; and the Hondo, the San 
Pedro. Few of the new designations, however, were to survive. 
On June 13 the site of the present city of San Antonio was 
reached, and the name of San Antonio de Padua applied to the 
region. ^^ The expedition rested here for one day, mass was said 
with military pomp, and the place was noted as an excellent 
one for a settlement and mission. When the Guadalupe River 



•^Treated in the following chapter. 

""The Indian name of San Antonio in the Payaya tongue was "Yana- 
guana." 



Spanish and French Rivalry in G-ulf Region 133 

was reached, a large number of Jiimano and their allies were en- 
countered. They were led by the ubiquitous Juan Xaviata. The 
Indians brought letters from the priests at Mission San Fran- 
cisco, telling of a serious epidemic among the Texas, and of the 
death of Father Fontcuberta. New rumors of white men among 
the Cadodacho were also reported. In spite of the pretended 
friendliness of the Jumano, they caused the Spaniards much 
trouble and anxiety. Had it not been for the vigilance of the 
soldiers, it is probable that they would have made an attack up- 
on the camp. As it was they caused a stampede of the horses, 
and stole a large number. When the present Colorado River, 
called by Teran the San Pedro y San Pablo, was reached, the 
expedition went into camp, and Captain Martinez was sent with 
a force of twenty soldiers to San Bernardo Bay. He took with 
him two hundred horses and mules with which to bring back 
the expected supplies from the ships. Martinez soon reached 
La Salle's old fort, and continued to the coast, where he re- 
mained for six days, without, however, finding any trace of 
the vessels. He rescued two more French boys from the In- 
dians, and leaving a letter for Captain Salinas, returned to the 
Colorado. On the day of his departure from the coast, the mari- 
time expedition arrived at the bay.^^ 

As soon as Martinez rejoined the main force, conferences were 
held to decide upon a future course of action. Governor Teran 
was in favor of sending another detachment to the coast in 
search of the ships before proceeding to the Texas. The priests 
strongly opposed such a measure. They said that it would be 
criminal to delay longer the succor for the priests at the mission, 
especially since they were only a few days' journey away. Teran 
allowed his own opinion to be overruled by that of the majority, 
and the march was continued to the Texas.^* The priests be- 
came so impatient at the deliberate progress of Governor Teran 



"The viceroy to the king, July 26, 1692, p. 2 (Mexico, 61-6-21). Accord- 
ing to the statements in the diaries of the land expedition, the vessels 
reached the bay on July 2, but the date given by the viceroy seems 
more probable, and explains fully the failure of Martinez to find the 
ships. Martinez's diary is in Historia, xxvii, 112-116. 

"Parecer del Padre Com. Fr. Damian Masanet y demas Religiosos 
misioneros, July 19, 1691,t&id.. 84-87. 



134 University of Texas Bulletin 

that they hurried on in advance from the Trinity, without giv- 
ing any no.tice of their intention. They were greeted by Fathers 
Bordoy and Jesus Miaria with tearful welcome. After some hesi- 
tation, Teran decided to follow. On August 4 the priests sent 
a message, reporting their arrival at the mission, and asking 
Teran to encamp half a league away. A few days later Teran 
formally reinvested the chief of the Texas with the authority 
of the king, and presented him with the gifts that had been sent 
by the viceroy. With his usual passion for change of nomen- 
clature, Teran now bestowed a new name upon the region which 
was beginning to be known as the province of Texas. The name 
' ' Texas, ' '^^ he said, was not the real name of the tribe, but merely 
a form of salutation, equivalent to "friend," used by a number 
of different tribes in that country. The Indians, whom the 
Spaniards had called "Texas," had always called themselves 
"Asinay." He therefore decided to give a formal title to the 
pro\'ince, and called it "La Nueva Montana de Santander y 
Santillana. " The old name had already become too firmly fixed 
to be supplanted, however, and the more lengthy designation 
given by Teran was not to survive.^" 

The situation in the new province of Nueva Montana was 
not all that could be desired. Since the departure of Governor 
Leon in the previous year, another mission had been founded, 
called Santisimo Nombre de Maria. It was situated on the banks 
of the present Neches River, and was ministered to by Father 
Jesus Maria. In spite of this outward evidence of growth, how- 
ever, little real progress had been made in the conversion of 
the natives. While the epidemic lasted, the priests had reaped 
an unusual harvest of souls, some eighty adults having been 
baptized. On the whole, the outlook was far from promising. 
The Indians showed an unwillingness to attend the services of 



""Texas'' was probably pronounced by the Indians as "TeshS," or 
"Techa," and its meaning was clearly that of "friend." The form 
"Tejas" is historically incorrect, and was a later development, when 
the old sound of "x" had fallen into disuse. (See page 88, note 9). It 
will be noted that the accent was on the second syllable. 

"^"Two diaries were kept of the march from Coahuila, one by Teran, 
and the other by Massanet. Both are in Historia, xxvii, 23-74 and 87-111, 
respectively. 



Spanish and French Bivalry in aidf Region 



135 



the church, and their real nature was begmning to show forth. 
After a year of intercourse with the much-lauded Texas, even 
the priests were beginning to despair of any real success among 

them. . . ^ ,v + 

Governor Teran was already frankly pessimistic as to the out- 
come of the expedition. A large number of horses and mules had 
been lost through Indian thievery, and the unusually dry sea- 
son The sea division had failed to put in an appearance, and 
might never arrive. The early misgivings of the governor 
seemed to be fully .justified. No sooner had he reached the 
missions, than he began to consider the advisability ot an im- 
mediate return to New Spaiiv. After remaining among the Texas 
for twenty davs in order to rest the exhausted horses, he set 
out on August 24 for the coast to make another effort to 30m 
the sea division, fully determined to return to Mexico if the 
vessels were not found. Fortunately Captain Salinas was met 
up with on the Rio de los Franceses (Garcitas Creek). Salinas 
bore new instructions for Teran, which made it impossible for 
him to return to Mexico without attempting to carry out the 
exploration that had been ordered. It was decided to return 
at once to the missions, and begin the work. Captain Barroto 
returned to Vera Cruz for additional supplies. After a tedious 
trip, impeded by the continual rains and swollen rivers, the 
company arrived at the missions again late in September. Dur- 
ing Teran 's absence the situation had been considerably ag- 
gravated The Indians were becoming more and more insolent 
and unfriendly. Frequent attacks were made upon the cattle 
and horses The chief had forsaken the settlement in order to 
make a campaign against a hostile tribe, and had told the priests 
that he did not wish to find them there upon his return. Sev- 
eral of the missionaries were discouraged, and ready to ceas<i 

their labors. . . i 

Teran began his work of exploration on November 1 by mak- 
ino- an examination of the river near the missions, the present 
Niches He found it to be a small stream, incapable of being 
navigated. A few days later, notwithstanding the lateness of 

"^^laration of Alonso de Rivera, March 18, 1692, in Testimonio de la 
Informaciop., etc., p. 16 (Mexico, 61-6-21). 



136 University of Texas Bulletin 

the season, the march to the Cadodacho country was begun. Mas- 
sanet and two other priests accompanied the expedition. Troubles 
were soon to come thick and fast. The horses were in such a 
miserable condition that progress was painfully slow. Soon 
snow and sleet began to fall, and the weather became bitterly 
cold. The road was almost impassable, horses died in great 
numbers, and the soldiers suffered severely from lack of suita- 
ble clothing. Teran finally halted the main body at a stream 
which he called the Rio Grande,^^ and taking thirty men with 
him mounted on the least dilapidated of the horses, pressed on 
northward. On November 28, at a distance of fifty-six leagues 
from the Texas, the party arrived at one of the settlements of 
the Cadodacho tribe, apparently on the present Red River. The 
approach to the village was made very cautiously, as it was 
feared that some of the French might be lurking there. The 
natives received them very hospitably, however. A week was 
spent in the vicinity. An examination was made of the river, and 
it was deemed to be easily navigable. Teran 's one desire seems 
to have been to finish his task as quickly as possible, and carry 
out the letter of his instructions so as to avoid the censure of his 
superiors. It was manifestly impossible to found the four mis- 
sions that had been planned. No supplies had been brought for 
that purpose. The priests were favorably impressed with the 
country and the Indians, however, and signified their inten- 
tion of returning at some future time. The return trip, begun 
on December 5, was m.erely a repetition of the hardships of the 
northward march. Most of the distance was covered on foot, 
as very few horses had survived. The province of Nueva Mon- 
tana was reached on December 30. Teran remained at the mis- 
sions only long enough to make preparations for the march to 
San Bernardo Bay. Father Massanet refused to furnish fresh 
mounts for the soldiers or any supplies for the journey, and a 
bitter quarrel arose between him and Teran. The whole venture 
was practically a failure by this time. Had it not been for Mas- 
sanet, it is probable that the missions already established would 
have been abandoned. As it was, six of the priests decided to 
return with Teran. Massanet and two companions remained, 



•Probably the present Sulphur River. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 137 

and were given a guard of nine soldiers to protect them. The 
increased number is significant of the changed attitude of the 
Indians. 

The start for the coast was begun on January 9. Again pro- 
gress was extremely slow. The former camping place, called 
Santa Margarita de Buena Vista, was not reached until March 
5. Here Captain Barroto was found with additional supplies 
and reinforcements. Governor Teran remained in camp for 
more than two weeks, engaged in drawing up his reports, and 
taking the testimony of various witnesses to prove that he had 
done all in his power to carry out his instructions. He ascribed 
the failure of the expedition chiefly to the insufficient pro- 
visions that had been made for it, and to the refusal of the 
priests to await the arrival of the sea division before proceeding 
to Texas. Teran drew a very dismal picture of general con- 
ditions among the Texas, and characterized the whole mission 
project as filtile. Captain Martinez was left in command of 
the land forces, with orders to return to Coahuila as soon as 
the horses were able to travel. Teran himself embarked on one 
of the vessels for Mexico. An attempt was made to carry out 
the viceroy's instructions to explore the Rio de la Palizada, but 
bad weather interfered with this measure. The course of the 
ships was finally turned toward Vera Cruz, where they arrived 
safely on April 15.^^ 

The Teran expedition was a lamentable failure. The proposed 
new missions were not founded, and those in existence were 



"The foregoing account is based chiefly on Ter^n's diary, Historia, 
xxvli, 47-74. The testimony taken by Ter^n in justification of his con- 
duct is found in Testimonio de la Imformacion hecha por el Genl Dn. 
Domingo de Theran de los Rios ... en el Parage de Santa Margarita 
de buena Vista, 44 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). A journal of the return voyage 
from San Bernardo Bay to Vera Cruz is given in the document, entitled, 
"Derrotero que hizo el Alferez Dn. Alexandre Bruno Piloto de la Fra- 
gata Santo Christo de San Roman, etc., Historia, xxvii, 74-78. The com- 
plete autos of the expedition from May, 1691, to March 21, 1692, ar-i 
to be found in Vol. 182 of Provincias Internas; Archivo General y 
Publico, Mexico, D. F. (Bolton. Guide to Materials for the History of 
the United States in the Principal Archives of Mexico, 123.) A good 
secondary account of the expedition, but containing several errors of 
detail, is given in Clark, <op. cit., 27-38. 



138 University of Texas Bulletin 

in a more precarious state than before. The extensive explora- 
tion of the country had been prevented by bad management. 
Just how completely Teran had failed, however, was probably 
not at first realized by the high officials of New Spain. The 
viceroy, in reporting the results of the expedition to the king, 
gave the impression that it had accomplished practically every- 
thing that had been expected. He said that the new missions 
had been established among the Texas, and that the entrada to 
the Cadodacho country had resulted in success. He did not send 
the autos of the expedition, however, lest they might be lost dur- 
ing those perilous times."" 

In a letter which Teran himself wrote to the king, the failure 
of the expedition was more clearly revealed. Teran laid the chief 
blame upon the viceroy, who, he said, had neglected to au- 
thorize the necessary measures, in spite of repeated appeals. The 
wretched nature of the country also, Teran said, had immeasure- 
ably hindered the operations. He claimed, however, that he had 
rendered the king one service, the importance of which could 
not be exaggerated. ' That was the clear demonstration of the 
fact that nothing further was to be feared from the French ; 
for the exploration that had been made proved that no foreign 
nation would try to occupy such a worthless region, and threaten 
from it the kingdom of Ncav Spain."^ 

The royal officials in Spain, however, were not entirely de- 
ceived as to the results of the expedition. A perusal of Teran 's 
diary showed a notable discrepancy in the description of the 
country given in it and that contained in his letter. No action 
could be taken by the home government until full reports should 
be received from the viceroy, and the documents sent by Teran 
were merely added to the growing expedients relating to the ex- 
ploration and defence of the Gulf region. "^ 

The abandonment of the missions. — After the. return of Gov- 
ernor Teran to Mexico, interest in Texas seems to have percep- 
tibly waned. No effort was made to revive the plans which had 
been formulated. Not until the latter part of the year did th.3 



«The viceroy to the king, .Tuly 26, 1692, 4 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 
"Teran to the king, Aug. 23, 1692, 4 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 
"Respuesta fiscal, June 8, 1693, 3 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 



Spanish and French Bivalry in Griilf Region 139 

viceregal government manifest sufficient interest in Texas to in- 
quire as to the progress that was being made by the missionaries 
there. On November 25, however,- the viceroy ordered Captain 
Diego Ramon, who was temporarily in charge of the province of 
Coahnila in consequence of the death of Alonso de Leon, to report 
the latest news from the Texas missions. Ramon was also asked 
to give suggestions in regard to the best way of communicat- 
ing with the priests. Ramon made his reply on January 11, 
1693. Hfe said that the most recent news received from Texas 
had been brought by two Indians, who arrived in Coahuila in the 
previous October. They reported that the priests were in good 
health, but in sore need of food, as their supplies had given 
out, and most of the cattle had died. The crops had been a 
total failure, and they were anxiously awaiting succor from 
Mexico, Ramon suggested that a party of twenty men be sent 
out from Monclova with provisions for the missions. The route 
was already known, and the journey could be made with little 
difficulty.^^ This suggestion was at once adopted by the au- 
thorities in Mexico, and orders issued by the viceroy for a re- 
lief expedition to Texas.^'* In the meantime Captain Ramon 
had been succeeded by Gregorio de Salinas Varona as governor 
of Coahuila, the latter having been appointed to that office 
by royal patent of August 29, 1690.^^ Salinas took i)Ossession 
on Januaiy 23, 1693, "^^ and it fell to his lot to lead the new ex- 
pedition. It was to be his fourth visit to Texas. 

The relief party left Monclova on ]\Iay 3, with ninety-seven 
pack-loads of provisions, and one hundred and eighty horses 
for the use of the twenty soldiers who made the trip. The 
usual detailed diary was kept, but there are no incidents of 
especial interest to note.^^ The mission of San Francisco de los 



''Ramon to the viceroy, Jan. 11, 1698, in Testimonio de Auttos sobre 
las Prouidencias Dadas, etc., pp. 3-5 (Guadalajara, 67-4-11). 

"Respuesta fiscal, Jan. 29, 1693, ibid., 6-7; viceroy's decree, Feb. 16, 
1693, iUd., 7-8. 

"Guadalajara, 66-5-12. 

''Salinas to the king. May 6, 1693 (Guadalajara, 67-4-13). 

"Viaxe que hizo El Capittan de Cauallos Corazas Don Gregorio de 
Salinas Varona, Gouor de la Probincia de San Franco de Coahuila, y 
nueba Estremadura, a la Prouincia de los Texas, etc., in Testimonio de 
Auttos sobre las Prouidencias Dadas, 26-59. 



140 University of Texas Bulletin 

Texas was reached on June 8. Succor had arrived at an op- 
portune time. The priests had already decided to abandon the 
country in July if nothing had been heard from Mexico by that 
time. The events that had transpired after Teran's departure 
now became known. The second mission of Santa Maria had 
been destroyed by a flood shortly after the troops had left. No 
attempt had been made to rebuild it, and all of the Spaniards 
had taken up their abode at Mission San Francisco, Sickness 
had broken out again in the summer and autumn, and one priest 
had died in November. Provisions had been very low since the 
winter season. In spite of the industry of the priests, their 
crops had been a complete failure. The first one was washed 
away by the floods, and the second one ruined by the drought. 
The Indians had gladly accepted pieces of cow-hide for food, 
and the soldiers had often been reduced to meat alone. The 
priests had fared a little better, since, as they said, God had 
not wished them to be reduced to such extremities; but they 
had considered themselves fortunate to have a small corn cake 
at morning and evening. When Salinas and his men arrived, 
they had had nothing but corn to eat for several weeks. 

The hardships of a physical nature, however, were the least 
of the obstacles which the priests had encountered. No success 
whatever had been obtained in the work of conversion. The 
Indians steadfastly refused to attend the services of the church. 
The medicine-men (Cona) of the tribe had persuaded the su- 
perstitious people that the water of baptism had a fatal effect. 
The few Indians who had been baptized on their death-bed 
were carried away by their relatives to be buried after the old 
heathen rites. The natives had refused to believe that there 
was only one God. They declared that there were two: One 
who gave the Spaniards clothing, knives and hatchets, and one of 
their own who gave them corn, frijoles, nuts, acorns, and water 
for their crops. They had shown no respect for the priests, and 
had often declared that they would kill them if they did not 
leave the country. Father Massanet had completely changed his 
opinion in regard to the character of the Texas. He now admit- 
ted that they desired nothing from the missionaries except food 
and gifts. Mbre than a year of misery and disappointment had 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 141 

sufficed to break even his iron resolution. He was ready to ^ve 
up the whole undertaking as a fruitless and thankless task. 

In obedience to the viceroy 's order, Massanet drew up a formal 
report setting forth the condition of the mission. It could not 
well have been more pessimistic in nature, and was evidently 
written with the hope of inducing the viceroy to authorize the 
abandonment of the work. He told with interesting details the 
obstacles which had been met with. In order to convert the 
Indians to Christianity, he said, three measures would be neces- 
sary. First, the establishment of a presidio; second, a suitable 
site for missions; and, third, the congregating of the Indians 
in one group, instead of allowing them to live in scattered 
fashion. In addition to his formal report Massanet also wrote 
a long letter to the viceroy. He said that if the government was 
not prepared to establish a presidio, the priests should be per- 
mitted to retire, and an expedition sent to see them safely out 
of the Texas country. He asked the viceroy to arrive at a de- 
cision as soon as possible,"^ 

Governor Salinas remained at the mission for only a week. 
He had difficulty in inducing the guard of soldiers to remain 
with the priests. Two of the religious returned to Mexico. The 
return trip was begun on June 14, and Monclova reached on 
July 17.*'^ Massanet 's letter and report were immediately for- 
warded to the capital. The -fiscal marvelled at IMjassanet's sug- 
gestion that the Indians should be converted by force of arms. 
Such a policy was contrary to all sound theology. There seemed 
nothing to do, he said, but to issue formal permission to the 
priests to retire to their college, and abandon the mission. The 
question was so intimately related with the plan that was under 
way for the occupation of Pensacola Bay, however, that no 
action should be taken until a junta general could discuss the 
whole situation.^" 



**Massanet to the viceroy, June 14, 1693, ibifZ., 61-64. The formal 
report of the same date is ihid., 65-68. |. . 

''Salinas to the viceroy, July 31, 1693, in Testimonio de los autos dili- 
gencias y Prouidencias dadas sobre la Provincia de Coaguila, ff. 192-201, 
Guadalajara, 67-4-13 (transcript, 6 pp.) 

"Respuesta fiscal, Aug. 19, 1693, in Testimonio de Auttos sobre las 
Prouidencias Dadas, 68-71. 



142 University of Texas Bulletin 

The junta was held on August 31. There seemed to be no good 
reason why Texas should not be abandoned. There could no 
longer be any danger from the French, for the repeated inves- 
tigations made in the past four years had proven that they were 
no longer interested in the region in question. The effect of 
the withdrawal upon the Pensacola project did not seem im- 
portant enough to merit consideration. The junta therefore 
resolved that Governor Salinas should be ordered to send a 
force of soldiers to Texas to bring back the priests in safety. 
It was hoped that the abandonment would not be a permanent 
one, and that at some more propitious time the work might be 
renewed. Father Massanet was to be requested to examine 
other suitable sites for missions on the return journey, and, if he 
saw fit, to remain at one of them. Such a mission would be 
easier to maintain on account of its proximity to Coahuila, and 
it would enable the priests to keep in touch with the Texas, 
The viceroy's formal decree, embodying these resolutions, w^as 
issued on the same day.'^^ 

Governor Salinas, upon receipt of the foregoing order, con- 
voked a council on October 1 to discuss the situation. It was 
unanimously resolved that the season was too far advanced to 
permit an expedition to be made at that time, and that it must 
be postponed until the following spring. The experiences of 
Teran's expedition afforded abundant proof of the wisdom of 
this decision, and the viceregal authorities were compelled to 
signify their approval.'^^ 

The little company in Texas, however, w^as not to await the 
arrival of the military escort. After the return of Salinas, the 
priests had begun to note still greater disquietude among the 
Indians. In August they learned that the Texas chief had con- 
voked the surrounding tribes, and had proposed a general mas- 
sacre of the Spaniards. The French were said to be implicated 
as well. The plot was to be sprung at the beginning of cold 
weather. Massanet at once had all of the soldiers and the lay 
brothers to do sentinel duty both day and night. The cannon 



"Junta general, ibid., 71-75; viceroy's decree, ibid., 75. 
"Junta in Monclova, Oct. 1, 1693., ibid., 75-79; respuesta fiscal, Oct. 
17, ibid., 84-85. 



Spanish mid French Eivalrij in Gulf Region I-IS 

were loaded, and a lighted fuse kept ready constantly, so that 
the Indians who entered the mission might see the provisions 
for defense. Massanet also succeeded in getting possession of 
four guns that had been given the natives by French traders. 
The situation had remained in this critical condition until Oc- 
tober 6, when the Indian chief openly warned the corporal of 
the squad of soldiers that all of his people were angry with the 
Spaniards, and that they must return to their own country. All 
of this time the Indians were making frequent attacks upon the 
horses and cattle, and were most! insolent in their demeanor 
toward the priests. Massanet finally summoned the chief, and 
asked him if the story told by the soldier was true. The Indi- 
an mockingly replied that it was indeed true; that his people 
had often urged him to drive the priests away. Massanet re- 
proached the chief for his ingratitude, but told him they would 
abandon the country. Be warned the chief that they were well 
armed, and would defend their lives as dearly as possible if any 
attack were made upon them. The departure was then ar- 
ranged with all secrecy. The more valuable ornaments were 
carried away, but the heavier ones, as well as the cannon, were 
buried. The flight was begun on October 25, the mission being 
burned to the ground as they left. The fugitives were pur- 
sued for several days, but were not molested. Four of the sol- 
diers deserted, and returned to live among the Indians.'^^ When 
the Colorado River was reached, an Indian overtook the party, 
and reported that the soldiers had already dug up the buried 
articles, and had distributed them among the Texas. For forty 
days the priests and their escort were completely lost, and 
wandered down to the Gulf coast before getting their bearings. 
After four months of almost incredible suffering, they arrived 
at the presidio of Monclova on February 17, 1694.'^* 



"They were Joseph Urrutia, Nicolas Rodelo, Francisco Gonzalez, and 
Marcos Juan. Urrutia was to become a great favorite with the Texas, 
and later lead them in many campaigns against their enemies. He 
finally returned to civilization, and was to play a prominent part in 
the later history of Texas. 

"Massanet to the viceroy, Feb. 17, 1694, in Prosiguen los Autos de la 
Retirada de los Religiosos Misioneros y soldados de la Prouincia de los 
ttexas, 1-5 (Guadalajara, 67-4-11). 



144 University of Texas Bulletin 

After the trying vicissitudes he had experienced Father Kas- 
sanet had no heart for further missionary work in the north- 
ern country. When he arrived in Coahuila, he was given the 
viceroy's dispatch asking him to inspect suitable sites for mis- 
sions nearer Coahuila. Massanet replied that he had marked 
out desirable locations long before, but that he was entirely des- 
titute of supplies with which to found new missions. He prom- 
ised, however, to do whatever the viceroy might desire in the 
matter.'^^ 

Under the circumstances, there was obviously only one course 
for the viceregal government to follow, and that was to post- 
pone indefinitely further attempts to found missions in the 
region north of Coahuila. The new allusions to the presence 
of Frenchmen among the Texas and the Cadodacho no longer 
awoke a feeling of alarm. The fiscal, Doctor Juan de Escalante 
y Mendoza, said that such reports were mere chimeras, and 
should be entirely ignored. In regard to the founding of new 
missions, he thought that in view of the unfavorable conditions 
and the uncertainty of success, no action should be taken at that 
time. The priests should therefore be instructed to return to 
their college until a more fitting occasion arose for the contin- 
uance of the work.'^^ These suggestions were adopted hy a junta 
de hacienda held on March 12. Governor Salinas was instructed 
to provide the priests with the necessary supplies for their .jour- 
ney to Queretaro. Father Massanet should be thanked for the 
great services which he had rendered both to the divine and 
temporal majesties. ' '" 

With this action, the province of Texas was formally aban- 
doned after four years of fruitless effort and expense. The 
interest of the viceregal government in that region had first 
been aroused by the intrusions of the French. The movement 
for the founding of missions, begun when the foreign menace 
seemed past, grew in scope when new rumors of French activity 
were received. These larger plans were necessarily relinquished, 
however, when the intractable nature of the Indians was fully 



"Massanet to the viceroy, Feb. 17, 1694, ibid.. 5-6. 
"Respuesta fiscal, March 11, 1694, ibid., 13-15. 
"Junta de hacienda, ibid., 16-17. 



Spanish and French Rivnlry in Gulf Region 145 

realized. The first occupation of Texas was an enterprise con- 
ceived and executed by the colonial officials of New Spain. The 
home government, with its energies absorbed in war, had little 
share' in it, save to approve measures after they had already 
been adopted. While ready to sanction a movement which 
promised to extend the Catholic religion and the dominions of 
the king, it showed little direct and active interest in the Texas 
project. This comparative indifference was perhaps chiefly due 
to the opinion prevalent among royal officials in Spain that the 
Gulf region, especially that portion west of the Mississippi River. 
offered little inducement for colonization to a foreign nation, 
and that it was needless to expend large sums for its develop- 
ment and defence. Moreover, at the same time that the Texas 
missions were being tested, the attention of the home govern- 
ment was directed toward plans that had been presented for 
the occupation of Pensacola Bay, a region w^hich was represented 
to offer every advantage for settlement. The following chapter 
will treat of this movement from its inception to its final exe- 
cution. 



10— s. 



146 University of Texas Bidletin. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE SECOND DEFENSIVE MOVE OF SPAIN: THE OC- 
CUPATION OF PENSACOLA BAY, 1689-1698. 

The Genesis of iJie Pensacola P)'oject. — One of the most 
notable results of the series of maritime expeditions sent out 
in search of La Salle's colony had been the rediscovery of and 
revival of interest in Pensacola Bay, a region which had figured 
conspicuously in the early activities of the Spaniards in Florida. 
The leaders of the voyage of 1686 had been unanimous in prais- 
ing the bay as a most excellent and desirable port. It was con- 
sidered to be far superior to Mobile Bay, which had been iden- 
tified as the old Bay of Espiritu Santo, and to San Bernardo 
Bay, where La Salle had met disaster. No suggestion for its 
occupation seems to have been made, however, until the discov- 
ery of the ruined settlement on the Garcitas proved beyond doubt 
that the French had actually begun their efforts to secure a 
foothold on the mainland of the Gulf of Mexico. 

The name most intimately associated with the early movement 
for the occupation of Pensacola Bay is that of Andres de Pez, 
leader of three of the voyages that had been made in search 
of the French colony. The increasing importance of Pez in con- 
nection with this study makes it advisable to give at this point a 
brief sketch of his remarkable career. He came of a family of 
sailors and fighters. His father and brother were both captains 
in the royal navy, and met their death at the battle of Palermo 
in 1676. Pez himself entered the king's service in 1673, serving 
for eight years as ordinary sailor in the fleet of Andalucia. At 
the end of that time he was transferred to the windward squad- 
ron of New Spain. Because of his bravery and efficiency in com- 
batting the pirates of the Caribbean, he was soon promoted to 
the rank of captain. In one of the battles in which he was en- 
gaged, sixty-five of his men were killed, and he himself was 
wounded five times, being maimed in one arm. His reputation 
for courage and reckless daring had caused the Count of Mon- 
elova to select him to aid in the search for the French. After his 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 147 

voyage to San Bernardo Bay in 1688, he was appointed captain 
of one of the presidial companies at Vera Cruz. He was soon 
to be made admiral of the windward squadron, and in later 
years became successively general of the fleet to New Spain, 
governor of the Council of the Indies, and one of the king's con- 
fidential ministers. At the time of his death, in 1724, he was one 
of the most highly honored and influential men in Spain. In 
spite of his steady rise to prominence, Fez does not seem to have 
been a man of brilliant attainments. He was intensely egotisti- 
cal, often unpopular with his associates and subordinates, espe- 
cially during his younger years, and guilty of serious mistakes, 
which came near interrupting permanently his upward career. 
He seems to have been born under a lucky star, however, and 
succeeded in retaining the royal favor in spite of his indiscre- 
tions. Always ready to take advantage of any opportunity for 
self-advancement, Fez saw in the Fensacola project an excellent 
chance to win wealth and distinction. By his persistent efforts, 
he was to arouse the interest of the indifferent royal officials of 
Spain in Fensacola Bay, and therefore deserves the credit of 
being considered the real originator of the movement which 
resulted in its occupation.^ 

Shortly after the news of Alonso de Leon's successful expedi- 
tion of 1689 reached Mexico, Captain Fez presented to the vice- 
roy a memorial in which he formally proposed the occupation 
of Fensacola Bay. He described the general advantages of the 
region, its abundant products of fruit, timber, and buffalo.^ 
There was enough timber in the vicinity of the bay, he said, to 
build all of the fleets of Europe. It was in all ways the best 



'Relacion de servicios de Andres de Pez, April 28, 1689, 4 pp (Mexico, 
61-6-20); Pez to the king, undated (probably 1691), 2 pp. (Mexico, 61- 
6-21). The facts given above in regard to the later career of Pez have 
been drawn from a large number of miscellanous documents seen by 
the writer in the Archive General de Indias. 

*Pez's memorial, it seems, was not based entirely upon personal 
observation. The diaries of the voyages he had made in Gulf waters 
showed that he had not been able to enter the bay, and thiis evidence 
was later to be used against him. Some years afterwards it was said 
that Juan Enriquez Barroto was the author of the memorial which 
Pez presented, and there are many reasons for believing that this 
statement was true. See page 177, infra. 



148 University of Texas Bulletin 

harbor on the Gulf coast, and could easily be fortified, as two 
projecting points of land commanded the entrance to the chan- 
nel. It behooved Spain to lose no time in establishinsr a fort 
and settlement there before the French renewed their activities. 
He believed that there could be no question but that the French 
would soon follow up La Salle's expedition by a more formidable 
one. If they had gone to great expense to found a colony at 
such a worthless place as San Bernardo Bay, it was reasonable 
to expect that they would covet so desirable a port as Pensacola. 
That they already knew of its existence could not be doubted, 
since the many foreigners who had accompanied the various 
maritime expeditions would long since have spread the news of 
its discovery. Fez repeated the familiar warning that, if the 
French should occupy the bay, they would be able to attack 
at will the fleets and galleons, and, by opening up communication 
with their settlements in Canada, would be in a good position 
to invade the frontier provinces of New Spain. 

Recognizing fully the exhausted condition of the royal treas- 
ury, Fez suggested a plan by which the expense of the under- 
taking might be reduced to a minimum. He proposed the radical 
step of abandoning St. Augustine, removing its presidio to Pensa- 
cola, and making the latter place the capital of the whole 
province of Florida. The port of St. Augustine, Fez argued, 
was of little benefit to Spain. Its harbor was a poor one, and 
seldom frequented. Trade between Florida and Cuba was car- 
ried on chiefly by way of Apalache. The king simply spent 
96,000 pesos annually for the upkeep of the presidio, and derived 
therefrom no returns whatever. With half that amount, or even 
less, a fort could be maintained at Fensacola, and a harbor of 
unspeakable excellence would be opened up. Anticipating the 
objection that would be made to the abandonment of St. Augus- 
tine, Fez said that the entrance to its harbor could be blocked 
at little expense ; or that, if it was thought undesirable to aban- 
don the place entirely, a small force Avould suffice to hold it against 
the French and English, as the natives of the region were 
declared enemies of those two nations. If, he continued, the 
expense of such a project seemed too great, he would remind 
the viceroy that even greater sums had been spent on the Fhilip- 



Spamsh and French Bivulrij in Chdf Region 149 

pines and California with no returns whatever; whereas many 
obvious advantages would be secured from the occupation of 
Pensacola, not the least of which would be the conversion of 
the Indians, who had already shown themselves anxious to re- 
ceive the true faith.^ 

The viceroy, the Count of Galve, apparently did not question 
the truth of Fez's statements in regard to Pensacola. He agreed 
with Fez that a bay of such wonderful natural advantages 
would inevitably arouse the cupidity of the French, and would 
lead them to found a colony there unless steps were taken to 
anticipate them. He had serious doubts, however, as to the 
advisability of abandoning St. Augustine, and asked Fez if such 
action would not leave Florida exposed to the invasions of the 
Dutch [sic] from Virginia. Fez assured him that there was no 
danger from that source. Despite the viceroy's confidence in 
Fez, however, he was unwilling to authorize such momentous 
measures as were proposed in the memorial. Instead, he resolved 
to send Fez to Spain to present the project in person to the 
royal authorities. In order to keep the plans as secret as possible, 
an unusual procedure was adopted. 

The viceroy made no official report on Fez's proposition, but 
wrote a personal letter to the president of the Council of the 
Indies, strongly endorsing the plan for the occupation of Fensa- 
cola Bay, and explaining his reluctance to take action upon his 
own responsibility. Fez was entrusted with the delivery of this 
letter, and was instructed to confer privately with the president 
before submitting his project to the Council as a whole.* 

Captain Fez sailed for Spain in the summer of 1689, taking 
with him, as ocular evidence of the reality of French designs, 
the two Frenchmen, Areheveque and Grollet, who had just been 

^The memorial of Pez has not been found, but its contents have been 
drawn from a number of documents which give summaries of his 
proposals, the chief ones being the following: Letter of the viceroy 
to the president of the Council of the Indies, June 29, 1689, 4 pp. 
(Mexico, 61-6-21); consulta of the Junta de Guerra, March 22, 1691. 
pp. 2-8 (Mexico, 61-6-21); Para despachar una carta del virrey Conde 
de Galbe de 12 de Junio 1693, pp. 3-5 (iUd.). 

*The viceroy to the Marquis of Los Velez, June 29, 1689, 4 pp.; the 
viceroy to the king, Jan. 13, 1693, 2 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21.) 



150 University of Texas Bulletin 

captured in Texas. At tlie same time copies of Fez's memorial, 
and of all documents relating to the recent expedition to Texas 
were sent to the king through the usual channel. Fez was in 
Madrid by January, 1690, but before he was ready to begin 
the promotion of his project, his memorial had gone through the 
regular routine, and had reached the hands of the fiscal of the 
Council of the Indies, who drew up his recommendations on 
February 22. The office of fiscal was held at this time by Mar- 
tin de Soils y Miranda, who in former years had been a member 
of the audiencia' of Mexico. While Solis believed that Pensacola 
Bay was well adapted for settlement, and that its seizure by a 
foreign nation would endanger the safety of the king's colonial 
dominions, he opposed the measures suggested by Fez for two 
main reasons. First, because of the chronic exhausted condition 
of the royal treasury; and second, because he thought it would 
be extremely unwise to abandon St. Augustine. That post, he 
said, must be held on account of the proximity of the English. 
Far from being relinquished, it should be aided and strengthened 
in every possible way. Once allow the English to gain a foothold 
in Florida, they would spread rapidly over the whole province, 
and threaten New Spain itself. The fiscal noted, furthermore, 
that the viceroy had apparently not deemed Fez's proposition of 
sufficient importance to merit a special report. It would be 
impossible, he said, to take any action in such a serious matter on 
the strength of Fez's uncorroborated statements, and he there- 
fore advised that no further consideration be given the memorial. 
The fiscal believed that Fensacola was too important a region 
to be neglected, however, and that some steps should be taken to 
strengthen Spain's hold upon it. Hie suggested the employment 
of the favorite Spanish method for this end — the founding of 
missions among the Indians. This plan would be not only the 
most economical, but also the most satisfactory from all other 
points of view. He then definitely recommended the sending 
of missionaries to the Fensacola tribe. In view of the reports of 
the priests, he said, further knowledge could be obtained, and 
future measures planned in a more intelligent way. He suggested 
that the same policy should be adopted in regard to the Texas 
nation. The natives of those two regions should never be bound 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 151 

out for service (encomendados), but should be placed perpetually 
under the protection of the crown, and allowed all possible rights 
and privileges. By such means, Solis believed, the Gulf region 
could be held against foreign encroachment, and at small cost to 
the royal treasury.^ 

At a meeting of the Council of the Indies, held on February 
27, the reply of the fiscal and all related documents were ordered 
sent to the relator, after which they were to be duly considered 
by the Junta de Guerra.*' Before the Junta had time to act, how- 
ever. Captain Pez had delivered the viceroy's letter to the presi- 
dent of the Council, and the whole matter was placed in an 
entirely different light. 

The knowledge of the viceroy's advocacy of Fez's scheme 
caused a complete reversal of the fiscal's unfavorable attitude. 
In a report which Solis made about a month after his first 
opinion was given, he strongly recommended the adoption of 
the measures proposed by Pez, with the exception of that one 
which related to the abandonment of St. Augustine. The fiscal 
now brought forth practically the same arguments that Fez him- 
self had used. They differed little from those which had been 
advanced during the discussion of La Salle's designs upon Es- 
piritu Santo Bay. If it had seemed advisable, said Solis, to 
incur such great expense to find La Salle's colony, it seemed 
equally important to prevent the French from seizing Pensacola. 
The bay should be fortified, notwithstanding the depleted con- 
dition of the royal treasury. A presidio must be erected there, 
and some provision must be made to supply the necessary 
funds.' 

After the fiscal's prompt action, the matter dragged along for 
several months, and it was not until October 10 that formal dis- 
cussion w^as begun by the Junta de Guerra. The cxpediente had 
now assumed such voluminous proportions that it was no small 



■^Respuesta fiscal, Feb. 22, 1690, 5 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 

'Minute of the Council, Feb. 27 (ibid.). 

'This respuesta has not been found. Its date is given as March 22, 
1691 in a letter of the viceroy to the king, May 15, 1693, but this is 
obviously a mistake for March 22, 1690. The general contents as given 
above have been inferred from other documents which will be cited 
below. 



152 University of Texas Bulletin 

task merely to read the documents that were presented. A vote 
was taken on October 12. Only one member, Gaspar Portocar- 
rero, agreed with the fiscal, and supported Fez's proposition. 
The other councillors steadfastly opposed any plan for the found- 
ing of a presidio and settlement at Pensacola. The objections of 
the majority were embodied in the written statement that was 
drawn up by the Marquis of La Gran j a in explanation of his 
vote, and on account of its general interest and importance, this 
document deserves being summarized in some detail. 

The chief argument of the fiscal and of the councillor who 
joined with him in the advocacy of Fez's plan, La Granja said, 
was that because the Junta had spared no labor or expense to 
prevent the French from obtaining possession of Espiritu Santo 
Bay, it should be equally solicitous concerning Fensacola Bay. 
Such an argument, he said, was based upon faulty premises, 
and evidently advanced without due reflection. The great 
anxiety of the Junta in regard to Espiritu Santo had been due 
to the belief that that bay was less than one hundred leagues 
from Vera CriTz and Mexico, and that it was a better port than 
Vera Cruz itself. No misunderstanding of this kind could exist 
as far as Fensacola was concerned, for it was known to be situ- 
ated more than three hundred leagues from the principal cities 
of New Spain, in a region of the Gulf which could be navigated 
only with great difficulty and danger. No nation was likely 
to form there an establishment from which the fleets and gal- 
leons could be menaced. 

Fez's proposal to abandon St. Augustine, La Granja con- 
tinued, was in itself a patent indication of the promoter's inex- 
perience in founding new settlements, and likewise revealed 
his general ignorance of the region in question. Furthermore, 
despite the fact that Fez had tried to convey the impression that 
he was the first to recognize the advantages of the bay, the infor- 
mation contained in his memorial was by no means new. The 
bay had been well known to the first explorers of Florida, and 
liad often been mentioned in their memorials. Although the 
English and the French had often visited the bay in their fre- 
quent invasions of Florida (now so lightly to be abandoned), 
they had never evinced a desire to hold it permanently. It was 



Spanish and French Bivalnj in Gulf Region 153 

probable, therefore, that the soil was not so fertile as the "new 
Columbus" claimed, and that the ship-building timber said to 
grow there could be found in other regions more accessible than 

Pensacola. 

La Gran j a could see no reason why any foreign nation should 
desire to occupy Pensacola Bay. Only three were in a position lo 
do so— France, England, and Holland. But each of them already 
possessed convenient naval bases in the West Indies, from which 
they could harass the shipping of Spain, without going to the ex- 
pense of developing such an isolated point as Pensacola. Nor 
did the councillor believe that New Spain was in any danger of 
being invaded from that direction, on account of the enormous 
distance to be traversed. It would be little short of scandalous, 
he said, to fortify Pensacola Bay, when there were many other 
ports of far greater importance which were entirely unpro- 
tected. 

From a religious aspect also, La Granja said, the arguments 
of the supporters of the movement did not seem well taken. They 
should remember the multitude of Indians in the very heart of 
Spain's colonies who were still unconverted, notably those of 
Darien, bordering on the provinces of Cartagena, Santa Fe, 
and Panama. Not only were the souls of those natives being lost, 
but at the same time they were aiding foreigners of all na- 
tionalities to infest the "South Sea" with piratical raids. The 
"reduction" of these Indians had been postponed many times 
on account of lack of funds with which to construct a presidio 
in their country. And yet, the Mlarquis triumphantly declared, 
on the strength of the assertions of a single individual, it was 
now proposed to build two new castles and a settlement at 
Pensacola, even when the coasts and frontiers of Spain itself 
were destitute of such defences. 

La G*ranja did not believe that the fisml, a man of the legal 
profession, was qualified to pass upon the question under con- 
sideration merely because he had resided in New Spain for a 
number of years. Instead of giving advice of a military nature, 
he should have called attention to the fact that Pez's memorial 
was not substantiated by the sworn statements of the officers and 
pilots who had visited the bay ; he should have noted the con- 



154 University of Texas Bulletin 

fession that foreigners of various nations liad been allowed to 
serve in the crews of the maritime expeditions, an open violation 
of the laws of the Indies, which deserved severe punishment. 
Finally, La Gran j a said in concluding his opposing arguments, 
he doubted the advisability of entrusting such an important 
enterprise to the care of Pez. If the viceroy had believed the 
latter to be a suitable man for the task, why had he not for- 
mally and openly commissioned him for that purpose, instead 
of merely giving him permission to go to Spain to attend to 
personal business?^ 

Having thus demolished, to his own satisfaction at least, the 
case of the minority, La Granja then set forth the measures 
which he thought should be taken in regard to Pensacola. First, 
it should be ascertained whether or not the bay was as wonderful 
as Pez represented it to be. This knowledge would doubtless 
be secured by the new expedition of Alonso de Leon, who, the 
viceroy had reported, would be sent out to search for the eighteen 
Frenchmen alleged to be living among the Texas, as well as to 
make a general exploration of the Gulf region® 

If the bay should be found so desirable as was claimed, the 
viceroy should proceed to close its harbor by sinking a few old 
ships in the entrance to the channel. This measure would mean 
only a single expenditure, and not a constant drain on the 
royal treasury by the maintenance of a useless presidio and a 
port, which would only serve as a blind door (puerta falsa) for 
the contraband trade of foreign nations. The viceroy should bo 
given to understand that under no circumstances was the pre- 
sidio of St. Augustine to be weakened, but that its subsidies must 
be sent with unfailing punctuality. If the windward squadron 
was not otherwise engaged, it should be sent to reconnoiter the 



'La Granja did not allude to the letter written by the viceroy to 
the president of the Council, whether through ignorance or malice, 
is not clear. The Count of Galve later complained of the injustice 
of this remark, and explained that he had concealed Fez's mission 
under the pretense of private business in order to prevent foreign 
nations from getting any inkling of the plan to occupy Pensacolc 
(The viceroy to the king, Jan. 13, 1693, 2 pp. Mexico, 61-6-21). 

'This statement reveals the general ignorance of the royal officials 
concerning the country from Texas to Florida. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 155 

whole Gulf coast once more, apprehending; any foreigners that 
might be discovered. In ease prisoners were taken, they should 
be kept in the hatches so that they might learn nothing of the 
nature of the country. In concluding his long and vigorous 
brief, the Marquis of La Gran j a repeated the oft-expressed 
opinion of the Junta and the Council of the Indies, that the 
real remedy against foreign encroachment in the Indies was 
the creation of an efficient navy. By no other means could such 
an extended coast-line as that of the Gulf of Mexico be success- 
fully defended." 

The final report of the Junta de Guerra was made on March 
22 of the following year. It contained practically the same argu- 
ments as those given in the dissenting vote of the Marquis of La 
Granja." Passing over the identical points, a brief summary 
of the positive recommenc^ations of the Junta to the king may be 
given. The viceroy should be ordered to adopt the most efficient 
measures to prevent the French or any other foreigners from 
establishing a settlement on the Gulf coast. If, in view of the 
reports brought back by Alonso de Leon from his new entrada, 
the viceroy should decide that the situation so warranted, he 
should close the harbor of Pensacola Bay with a few worthless 
hulks. As far as the conversion of the Indians was concerned, the 
Junta said, the viceroy had already taken steps to this end, as 
missionaries had been sent out with Governor Leon.^- Such 



'""Voto del Sr. Granxa," undated (between Oct. 12 and Nov. 14, 1690), 
8 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21), 

"The Junta also called attention to the fact that it was apparent 
from Fez's diaries that he had not entered Pensacola Bay, and that his 
description of it was not based upon personal observation. 

^Consulta of the Junta de Guerra, March 22, 1691, 15 pp. (Mexico, 
61-6-21). In a letter of May 15, 1693, the viceroy replied to the objec- 
tions of the Junta, and accused it of ignorance and ^oor judgment. 
He said that it had confused Espiritu Santo, or Mobile, Bay with San 
Bernardo Bay, where La Salle had been wrecked. No one had ever 
believed, he said, that Mobile Bay was only one hundred leagues from 
Vera Cruz. The opinion of the junta that an invasion of New Spain 
by land was impracticable, the viceroy said, was also a fallacious one. 
The book of Hennepin proved that La Salle had traversed more than 
eight hundred leagues from the capital of New France to the Gulf of 
Mexico. It was therefore not improbable that the French could pene- 



156 University of Texas Bulletin 

were the meager proportions to which the supreme military 
council of the Spanish colonies reduced the whole Pensacola 
movement after two years of deliberation. 

Notwithstanding the ardent opposition of the Junta do Guerra, 
King Charles II was pleased to adopt an unusual course of 
action. He exercised his own judgment, rejected the recom- 
mendations of the majority of the Junta, and concurred in the 
opinion of the fiscal and his sole supporter, to the effect that 
Pez 's plan for the occupation of Pensacola Bay should be carried 
out, with the exception of that part which called for the aban- 
donment of St. Augustine. The resolution of the king was duly 
published, and obedience promised by the Junta. The matter had 
now entered upon a new phase. The debate had been closed. But 
the dissatisfaction of the Junta was still to be manifested in 
a tendency to delay the execution of the king's order, and to 
place as many obstacles as possible in the way of Pez. 

In another consulta of September 27 following, the Junta 
warned the king against acting upon the imcorroborated memo- 
rial of Pez, when it was evident from his diary and other docu- 
ments that he had not personally examined the bay, nor had 
even landed upon its shores. The king should also remember, 
it said, that in all of the early discussion of the Gulf coast in 
connection with the search for La Salle, none of the viceroys had 
suggested the occupation of Pensacola. The Junta believed that 
it was in duty bound to remind the king that in a matter of 
such great importance it was best to go slowly, and not to act 
upon doubtful information. It therefore advised that copies of 
all pertinent documents should be sent to the viceroy in order 
that he might fully acquaint himself with the merits of both 
sides of the question. He should then be instructed to send 
capable pilots and engineers to examine Pensacola Bay, and 
learn definitely the truth about it. At the same time a thorough 
exploration should be made by sea and land expeditions of the 

trate the 450 leagues that lay between Pensacola and Mexico. He 
disposed in like fashion of the other arguments of La Granja and the 
Junta (The Count of Galve to the king, May 15, 1693, 9 pp. (Mexico, 
61-6-21). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 157 

region between Pensacola and Espiritu Santo Bays.^^ When 
the viceroy should have executed these orders, he should remit 
the various reports and maps to the king, together with his per- 
sonal opinion, so that the whole matter might be reconsidered 
by the Junta. If in the meantime the viceroy should have reason 
to believe that it was advisable to occupy Pensacola at once, 
he should be given authority to place the bay in the best possible 
state of defence, making use of any available funds at his com- 
mand. Supplies which were lacking in New Spain for such an 
undertaking should be remitted to the viceroy without delay. If 
they were not needed at Pensacola, they could be used by other 
presidios. The Junta also advised the king to inform the viceroy 
that no change was to be made in the presidio of St Augustine, 
but that its supplies should be sent with the utmost regularity.^* 
The king accepted the Junta's recommendations, noting on 
the margin of the co-nsulta the customary laconic "como parece."' 
Another long delay ensued, however, and the formal cedula 
was not issued until June 26, 1692. The viceroy was thereby 
definitely commanded to send land and sea expeditions to make 
a detailed examination of Pensacola Bay, and to explore the 
Gulf region westward as far as "Espiritu Santo Bay. "^^ The 
Pensacola project had finally reached the stage of preliminary 
action. Its promoter had long since become discouraged, and 
had secured permission to resume his duties in New Spain. His 
interest in Pensacola did not wane, however, and he was to con- 
tinue to play the leading part in the movement which he had 
inaugurated.^® 



^'The Junta was apparently thinking of San Bernardo Bay, and not 
of Mobile Bay. The colonial officials were to interpret "Espiritu Santo" 
as Mobile Bay. 

"Consulta of the Junta de Guerra, Sept. 27, 1691, 5 pp. (Mexico, 
61-6-21). 

"Real cedula, 3 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 

"Just when Fez returned to Mexico is not clear. Some time in 1691 
or 1692 he presented a petition to the king, recounting his past services, 
and his efforts to secure action in regard to Pensacola. He said that 
he had spent all of his available funds during his residence In Spain, 
but without success. He therefore asked to be allowed to return to 
his post at Vera Cruz (Fez to the king, undated, 2 pp., Mexico, 61-6-21). 
During his stay in Spain, Fez was made a knight of the military order 
of Santiago. 



158 ' University of Texas Bulletin 

The Pez-Sigilenzu Expedition of 1693. — Upon receipt of the 
royal dispatch, the Count of Galve took immediate steps to 
carry out the exploration which had been ordered. A junta 
general was held in Mexico on December 17 to discuss necessary 
measures. It was unanimously agreed that Andres de Pez, who 
by this time had been promoted to the post of admiral of the 
windward squadron, would be the logical person to place in com- 
mand of the sea expedition. All other measures were left to the 
discretion of the viceroy.^^ Dr. Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora, 
one of the most noted scholars and scientists of New Spain, was 
selected by the viceroy to accompany and assist Pez. Sigiienza 
was at this time professor of mathematics in the Royal University 
of Mexico, and chief cosmographer of the kingdom. Laureano 
de Torres y Ayala, governor-elect of Florida, was chosen to 
lead the land expedition. Torres had only recently arrived in 
Mexico on his way to take possession of his post. Complete in- 
structions were drawn up for the leaders of the expedition on 
January 12, 1693. As the land expedition was to play a minor 
part in the plans for the occupation of Pensacola, further consid- 
eration of it will be deferred until the results of the Pez-Sigiienza 
expedition have been fully reviewed. 

Pez and Sigiienza were furnished with separate sets of instruc- 
tions. Pez was ordered to equip two war vessels for the voyage. 
Each was to have a complement of one hundred and twenty 
men, and to carry supplies for eighty days. The departure from 
Vera Cruz was to be made at the end of Mlarch or early in 
April, and the course directed straight to Pensacola. Soundings 
should be made of the bay; the best sites for a presidio and 
settlement determined upon, the rivers of the vicinity explored, 
and investigations made in regard to stone quarries, the fruits 
and products of the country, the nature of the Indians, and all 
other matters of interest. When these activities should have 
been concluded, the expedition was to proceed to Mobile, or 
Espiritu Santo Bay. If no more than twenty palmos of water 



"Junta general, June 2, 1693, summarizing action of junta of Dec. 
27, 1692, in Testimonio De las Dilixencias executados en Virtud de Rl 
Zedula de S Mgd. Sobre El reconocimiento de la Bahia de Santa 
Maria de Galue (antes Panzacola), etc., p. 51 (Mexico, 61-6-21). 



Simnish and French Eivalnj in Gulf Region 159 

were found at its entrance, no further investigation need be 
made there. In such case, the vessels should proceed to the Rio 
de la Palizada, or the Colbert, as it was called by the French. A 
party should be sent to explore that river as long as their sup- 
plies would last, exercising the same care as in the examination 
of Pensacola Bay. The Indians should be conciliated by means 
of liberal gifts, and inquiries made concerning the French who 
lived in Canada. The expedition was then to return as quickly 
as possible to Vera Cruz, in order that a report might be sent 
to the king in the fleet that would return to Spain during the 
summer months. Sigiienza's instructions were limited to the 
details of the work in which he was expected to engage. He was 
to draw maps of Pensacola Bay, the coast-line of the Gulf, and 
the Palizada River, and to write an accurate and scientific de- 
scription of the regions visited.^® 

The two vessels sailed from Vera Cruz on March 25. Sigiienza 
kept a journal, which is a striking testimony to his reputation as 
a scholar, and constitutes the chief authority for the expedition. 
The Mississippi was sighted in seven days, and in six more Pensa- 
cola Bay itself was reached. As the ships sailed into the broad 
expanse of water, Sigiienza recalled the occasions on which it 
had been visited by explorers in the past : how it had been 
described by the Inea in his History of Florida; how it had 
been the scene of the misfortunes of Narvaez and Cabeza de 
Vaca ; how it must be the same bay which Hernan de Soto had 
called Achussi ; and the one which Tristan de Luna y Arrellano 
had attempted to colonize at the command of Philip II. Re- 
membering that the bay had been entered by the last named 
leader with his great armada of fourteen ships on St. Mary's 
Day (August 14), and had therefore been named after the Vir- 
gin, Pez and Sigiienza decided that it would be unjust to defraud 
it of such a great honor. They accordingly rechristened it 
"Bahia de Santa IVIjaria de Galve."^" the cognomen of the viceroy 
being added to the holy name of the Virgin. Admiral Pez 



"Instructions to Pez, Jan. 12, 1693, ibid., 46-50; instructions to 
Sigiienza, ibid.. 2-4. 

"This name was in later years corrupted into "Santa Maria de 
GSlvez," probably because of the prominence of the great Gilvez family. 



160 University of Texas Bulletin 

ordered that'the new name should be inscribed on the official map 
of the expedition. The Te Deuni Laudamos was sung, and formal 
possession of the bay taken in the name of the king. While these 
ceremonies were in progress, the vessels had passed through the 
channel, and at three o'clock anchor was cast in the inner harbor. 
The shallop which had been carried along was at once made 
ready for the work ahead. On the following day, April 8, an 
exploring party was organized, which included Pez, Sigiieriza, 
the pilot Pedro Fernandez Cenrra, and Captain Juan Jordan, 
Jordan had been with Barroto and Komero on the voyage of 
1686, and since that time had always been one of the most en- 
thusiastic panegyrists of Pensacola Bay. He was to be closely 
associated with its later occupation. The entrance to the bay was 
first examined, in order to learn whether it would be possible 
to build fortifications that would command the entire channel. 
A trigonometrical calculation was made by Sigiienza, and it was 
found that the distance between the nearest points was ap- 
proximately three thousand varas. The point on the east was 
named "Punta de Sigiienza." While the professor was engrossed 
in his mathematical problems, the other members of the party 
were enjoying the idyllic pastime of fishing, and marveled at the 
great variety of fine fish which swarmed in the water. The 
channel was next sounded. Its greatest depth was found to be 
eight varas for a distance of about twelve hundred varas, grad- 
ually becoming less as the shore was approached on either side. 
The party then landed on the western extremity. A prominent 
bluff was named "Barranca de Santo Tome." Although the 
beach was covered with dazzling white sand, Sigiienza praised it 
highly, and thought it would be an excellent site for a fort. 
During the succeeding days, the inner shores of the bay and the 
various streams that flowed into it were explored. On the 11th 
the mouth of the first river was found. It was named in honor of 
Captain Jordan. As the boat was turned into the stream, several 
dark objects were seen on the banks, and their rapid flight 
proved them to be Indians. A landing was made, but only the 
deserted camp was found, guarded by a fiercely vocifei'ous dog. 
A lighted fire was still burning, and over it hung pieces of 
half-cooked buffalo meat. The place was called "El Robledal" 



(•12-9-T9 'oDixaiM :aiitA9s '-j 'O "V «I l^niSiao 
JO qclBaSo^oqU luoaj SuioBaj,) -8691 'A^a BioaBSuaj jo dBH BzuenSis 










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future date. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 161 

from the many. oaks in the vicinity. After erecting a cross, and 
leaving a quantity of food for the natives, the party continued 
up the stream, which Sigiienza notes as being lined with majestic 
pines, suitable for ship masts. Soon several more Indians were 
seen, and an effort made to communicate with them. But the 
aborigines threw away the burdens that they carried, and re- 
treated in headlong flight. Their camp was found nearby, 
surrounded by a multitude of articles, which the Indians had 
abandoned in their haste. Charred buffalo meat reduced to a "fine 
powder, pottery, horn spoons, gourds, furs, red ochre, wooden 
combs, and as Sigiienza says, a "thousand other little things" 
were noted. The place was called "El Baratillo," from its re- 
semblance to a junk-shop. The river was ascended several 
leagues further, but the fallen trunks of trees barred further 
progress. On the return trip, the camps of the Indians were 
again visited. They were still deserted. The articles that had 
been left by the Spaniards, however, had been removed, and at 
El Robledal the Indians had erected another cross, leaving a 
buffalo skin on it as a peace offering.-" 

On the following day a much larger river was found, which 
was called "Rio del Almirante, " in honor of Admiral Fez. 
Sigiienza said that he hoped that the name would perpetuate- 
forever the memory of the man who was endeavoring to add a neAV 
kingdom to the royal dominions. The river was traversed for 
several leagues, and was judged to be easily navigable for ships 
of at least four hundred tons' burden. On the 13th a search 
was made for the village of the Panzaeola tribe, but no signs of 
human habitation were found, except for a solitary hovel deserted 
by its former occupants. The active work of exploration was 
continued until the 17th, the whole compass of the bay having 
been examined by that time. A third river was found, which was 
named "Rio de Jovenazo," after the Duke of Jovenazo. one of 
the prominent officials of Spain. Nine days were then spent in 
making preparations for the continuation of the voyage. Wood 
and water had to be secured, and a new main-mast placed on 
one of the ships. When the old mast was removed it was found 



"From the appearance of their canoes, these Indians were believed to 
live a considerable distance away. 

n-s. 



162 University of Texas BuUefin 

to be badly decayed. Only a miracle could have prevented it from 
giving way during the bad weather that had been experienced. 
To attest their gratitude to Providence, the explorers erected 
a mammoth cross on Sigiienza Point, and it was duly consecrated 
amid the booming of the frigates ' guns. Just as mass w^as begin- 
ning, a soldier died, and was later buried near the majestic cross. 
Two days later (April 26) the ships sailed out of the bay, 
having remained there just one day less than three weeks. 

Mobile Bay was found after some difficulty on April 29. Its 
channel was sounded, and was reported to measure only twenty 
palm-OS in depth. • This being the case, in accordance with Pez's 
instructions, no further examination was made. By May 5 the 
expedition had arrived at a place called "Laguna de Pez,"-^ 
The ships were safely anchored, and a party sent out in the 
shallop in search of the Rio de la Palizada. Cape Lodo was 
sighted on the next day, and from it the Palizada could be seen. 
The mouth of the river Avas found to be obstructed by a great 
mass of driftwood and numerous sand bars, just as had been 
reported by previous expeditions. The party of sixteen nten tried 
to row the boat through one of the narrow channels, but were 
swept back by the force of the current. Sigiienza says that all 
were astounded to learn the true nature of this supposedly 
great and celebrated river. The ships were then regained, and 
the homeward journey begun. Vera Cruz was reached on May 
13, after a remarkably short voyage of five days.-- 

The results of the expedition. — Sigiienza immediately for- 
warded his journal to the viceroy, and drew up in addition a 
paper in which he siunmarized his work, and presented his rec- 
ommendations. He thought that fortifications should be erected 
both at Punta de Sigiienza and the Barranca de Santo Tome. The 
castles would have to be built of wood, but that had been found 



^'See map, on opposite page. 

"The above account is based almost entirely upon Sigiienza's ex- 
cellent journal, in Testimonio De las Dilixencias executadas, etc., pp. 
4-33. A few additional details of the exploration of the mouth of the 
Mississippi are given in "Declaron. de Pilotos y otras personas del 
reconocimto de la Bahia de Santa Maria de Galue," ibid., 42-43. See 
also Fez to the viceroy, June 1, 1693, ibid.. 40-41; and the viceroy 
to the king, June 9, 1693, pp. 1-3 (Mexico, 61-6-21). 



Spanish and French Kivalnj in Gidf Region 163 




,j^l 



i/j.^/j'^y^ 



Contemporaneous sketch-map illustrating Pez-Sigiienza Expedition of 1693. 
(Tracing from photograph of the original in A. G. I., 

Mexico, 61-6-17.) 



164 University of Texas Bulletin 

necessary in man}^ other parts of the Indies. The best site for 
a settlement, he said, would be found on the beautiful Rio del 
Almirante. He thought it probable that this river took its rise 
far toward the north, probably in one of the lakes of Canada. It 
doubtless flowed through a rich country, and whoever followed 
its course into the interior, and developed the trade and re- 
sources of the country would surely reap great profits. Sigiienza 
believed that the place called El Robledal, on the Rio Jordan, 
would also be a good site for a settlement, as communication 
with Apalache and the rest of Florida could easily be opened 
up from that point. The map which Sigiienza had drawn of 
Pensaeola Bay was also forwarded to the viceroy from Vera 
Cruz.23 

Admiral Fez waited until he reached the capital before sub- 
mitting his report. He summarized very briefly the events of 
the voyage, referring to Sigiienza 's journal for details. He called 
especial attention to the great size of Fensacola Bay, and its 
strategic position in the Gulf. He believed that it was absolutely 
necessary to fortify the bay, since the French king had already 
tried to establish a settlement at the mouth of the Palizada River 
or at some port in its vicinity in order to facilitate communica- 
tion with his colonies in New France. This plan had only been 
frustrated through La Salle's misfortunes. It was probable that 
as soon as France was free of the war then in progress, she 
would renew her efforts to secure a port on the Gulf shore. Fez 
besought the viceroy to acquaint the king with all of these facts, 
and to ask royal aid in the task of fortifying the bay. The cost 
of the necessary supplies, he said, would be very moderate, as 
was shown by the estimate that he had submitted to the Junta de 
Guerra in the previous year. The total amount required was only 
a little more than 13,000 pesos. It would be necessary, however, 
Fez explained, to procure these supplies from Spain, as well as 
the troops and colonists that would be needed; for, otherwise, 
the expense would be much greater.^* 



'''Siguenza to the viceroy, May 15, 1693, in Testimonio De las Dilixen- 
cias executadas, 33-38. The map is reproduced opposite page 160. 

=*Pez to the viceroy, June 1, 1693, iUd., 40-41. Fez evidently referred 
to supplies only, for an estimate of the expense of occupying Pen- 
saeola presented to the Junta de Guerra in 1691, gave the total cost as 
197,700 pesos, or 13,180 escudos. This included the pay of 200 troops, 
however (Mexico, 61-6-21, 3 pp. MS). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 165 

On June 1 Sigiienza made still another report, pointing out 
specifically the danger that would result if Pensacola was not at 
once occupied. He praised the Bay of Santa Maria de Galve in 
most extravagant terms. It was the finest jewel that the king 
possessed, not only in America, but in the whole empire, because 
it combined all of those advantages which, taken singly,, made 
other bays famous. Ships of no mean size could approach its 
very beach without difficulty. Anchor could be cast at almost 
any spot within its area of approximately twenty-two square 
leagues. It could shelter with ease all of the armadas of the 
universe. It had a capacity for more than one hundred ship- 
, yards, and could furnish lumber and masts for vessels of all 
dimensions. A bay with such attractions was certain to be coveted 
by foreign nations. Once allow them to settle there, and they 
could be dislodged only at great cost. Sigiienza enumerated 
once more all of the familiar arguments to prove the danger from 
the French, and made this prophetic statement: 

If less accurate reports [than are now available] induced the 
French king to send a squadron to the Gulf of Mexico in search 
of the Eao Colbert, in order to reach New France by that route, 
who will not be persuaded that, as soon as he is relieved of 
the present war in Europe, he will attempt a second time, with 
definite information, an enterprise which failed the first time 
from lack of such information?-^ 

Although the land expedition under Governor Torres had not 
yet been completed, and no report had been received concerning 
it, the viceregal government felt that it was in a position to take 
definite action. Even the most strenuous opponent of the Pensa- 
cola project could no longer complain of the paucity of informa- 
tion in regard to the bay. At a junta general of June 2, all of 
the documents and reports were considered. The results of the 
maritime expedition were set forth, the arguments of Fez and 
Sigiienza recapitulated and the proceedings of the Junta de 
Guerra and the king's cedula again reviewed. It was noted that 
the royal order had authorized the viceroy to use his discretion, 
and to place Pensacola Bay in the best possible state of defence 
if, in view of the results of the exploring expeditions, it seemed 
advisable to take such action. The members of the junta were 



^'Sigiienza to the viceroy, June 1, 1693, iHd., 43-46. 



166 University of Texas Bulletin 

unanimously in favor of taking advantage of this permission, and 
of effecting the occupation of the bay Avithout delay. It was 
therefore resolved that temporary fortifications should be con- 
structed at Pensacola until a full report could be sent to the 
king, and the necessary assistance obtained from Spain for plac- 
ing the new establishment upon a secure and permanent footing. 
A committee, consisting of Pez, Sigiienza, and the factor, Sebas- 
tian de Guzman, was appointed to decide upon the best methods 
of procedure. When their report was concluded, the viceroy 
should then supply the necessary funds, and give final orders for 
the inauguration of the work.-'' 

The conference of the three experts took place two days later. 
They were unable to agree upon a uniform plan of action, and 
in consequence each submitted a separate report to the viceroy. 
Sigiienza drew up his suggestions with his usual thoroughness, 
carefully anticipating every contingency that might arise. He 
urged that fifty men be sent at once to Santa Maria de Galve. 
Establishing their camp on the Rio Jordan, they should first 
locate the village of the Panzacola Indians, and win the favor 
and aid of the natives through suitable gifts. The governor of 
Florida should be instructed to send a number of settlers, with 
supplies of fresh provisions, and cattle and horses. Communica- 
tion would thus be opened up with Florida proper. The principal 
settlement should then be built on the Almirante River. As it 
would require some time for the expected families to arrive from 
Spain, proclamations should be issued in the chief cities of New 
Spain, offering titles of nobility and other inducements to 
prospective emigrants. By the joint labor of these settlers an«i 
the Indians, timber could be cut, brick and cement manufactured, 
and the fortifications constructed. The main fort should be 
located at the Barranca de Santo Tome, and should have a gar- 
rison of from eighty to one hundred men. All of these operations, 
Sigiienza said, could probably be carried out within a year's 
time, if the right sort of person was chosen to superintend the 
work, and all parties did their duty.^^ 

The factor, A^ith his more intimate knowledge of the resources 



='Junta general, June 2, 1693, ibid.. 50-55. 
-'Sigiienza to the viceroy, June 4, 1693, ibid., 55-59. 



Spanish and French Kivalry in Gulf Region 167 

of the viecroyalty, said that it was useless to attempt to colonize 
Santa ]\Iaria de Galve from New Spain. The impossibility of 
providing the necessary funds, settlers, and supplies, he said, 
could readily be seen when it was remembered that the govern- 
ment was at that time unable to equip the families that were 
waiting to return to the important province of New Mexico.^* 
The occupation of Pensacola was too urgent a matter, however, 
to permit of delay. It would be possible to hold the bay tem- 
porarily until reinforcements were sent from Spain. Twenty-five 
soldiers could be sent thither from Florida, and an equal number 
from Vera Cruz. The aid of the settlei;s of Apalache and of the 
Indians could be secured, and a small fort built at the mouth 
of one of the rivers flowing into the bay. If the enemy should 
land, he could easily be repulsed, as the wooded nature of the 
country was well adapted for the laying of ambushes. The factor 
cited his own experience in Santo Domingo as evidence of the 
ability of a small force to cope with a superior enemy. With 
less than six hundred men, he said, he had killed more than eight 
thousand Englishmen during the war of 1655.-'' 

Admiral Pez was opposed to any such such temporary make- 
shifts as Sigiienza and Guzman had suggested. A weak establish- 
ment, he said, would merely invite attack, no.t only by some 
foreign nation, but also by any wandering band of pirates. Unless 
the supplies that he had asked for in his estimate could be 
secured from Spain, he believed that it would be inexpedient to 
undertake the occupation of the bay. He therefore counselled 
delay until a report could be made to the king, and the necessary 
aid secured. In the meantime, he suggested, a frigate could be 
sent to reconnoiter the bay, and give warning of any new 
danger.^" 

The recommendations of Pez were obviously dictated by mo- 
tives of self-interest. If his original plans were carried out, he 
would remain the dominant figure in the movement, for ho 
doubtless had good reason to believe that he would be chosen to 



-'New Mexico had practically been abandoned since the Indian re- 
volt of 1680. 

"Sebastian de Guzman to the viceroy, .Tune 4, 1693, ihid., 60-62. 
='"Pez to the viceroy, June 5, 1693, idid., 59-60. 



168 University of Texas Bulletin 

continue the task of promoting it.^^ Plis great infiiunee with the 
viceregal officials made it a foregone conclusion that his plan 
would be adopted. The fiscal examined the three reports on 
June 5. He said that inasmuch as the committee had been unable 
to agree, and it was impossible to raise the necessary sum in 
Mexico anyway, it would be best to proceed slowly, and not 
jeopardize the whole project by precipitate action. He advised 
that Pez be sent to Spain to make a personal report, and to 
perfect all arrangements for the occupation of the bay.^- A 
junta general of June 8 definitely authorized such action. Pez 
was voted a salary of 2500 pesos per year while absent on his 
mission. He was to be furnished a credit of 20,000 pesos by 
the viceroy, to be dra^vn upon in case it proved impossible to 
secure funds in Spain. If the money could not be furnished by 
the merchants of New Spain, the Consnlado of Seville was to 
be asked to advance it, reimbursement to be made later, as had 
been done on similar occasions.^^ 

The viceroy drew up his formal report on June 9, taking care 
this time to give his own personal opinion on the question. He 
said that the careful exploration that had been made fully estab- 
lished the fact that the Bay of Santa Maria de Galve was as 
important as had been claimed, and that it should be occupied 
as soon as possible. In accordance with the opinion of his ad- 
visory council, he was therefore sending Admiral Pez to Spain 
to secure the necessary men and supplies. The viceroy explained 
that it had been impossible to obtain funds through the mer- 
chants, as had been hoped, since all available credits in Seville 
had been utilized in the purchase of food to be shipped in the 
outgoing fleet. He was therefore writing a letter to the Con- 
sulado of Seville, asking it to lend the 20,000 pesos that would 
"be required, pledging as security the royal revenues in the 
treasury branches of Vera Cruz and Mexico. He trusted that 
the king would approve of his action, and would authorize th'^ 
enlistment of the two hundred troops, as well as the purchase 



^Tor Sigiienza's charges against Pez in this connection, see page 
177, infra. 

'^'Respuesta fiscal, June 5, 1693, ibid., 62-64. 
^Junta general, ibid.. 64-69. 



^panisJi and French liivalri) in Gulf Region 169 

of the supplies contained in the list to be presented by Pez. In 
the meantime, the viceroy said, he would send Jaime Franck,^* 
the only military engineer in the country, to Santa Maria de 
Galve, to inspect the prospective site of the fort, and mark out 
the preliminary plans, so that everything might be ready by the 
time that Pez returned. In regard to th^ land expedition that 
had been authorized, the viceroy explained that, although it was 
then engaged in the work of exploration, no reports had been 
received from it. This would make little difference, as the expe- 
dition would serve chiefly to mark out sites for future settle- 
ments, and to promote the conversion of the natives, and would 
have little influence upon the plans for the occupation of Santa 
"INIaria de Galve."" 

This official letter, the bulky icstimonios of the exploration, 
and Sigiienza's map were all made ready, and sent to Spain in 
the fleet that departed shortly afterwards. Admiral Pez em- 
barked at the same time, fully armed Avith arguments and incon- 
testible proofs of the truth of his early representations. 

The land expedition under Laureano de Torres y Ayala, 1693. — 
Before passing on to a consideration of the next stage in the 
development of the Pensacola movement, it will be necessary, 
for the sake of completeness, to trace briefly the results of the 
land expedition that had been sent out by the viceroy under the 
command of Laureano de Torres y Ayala. Torres was given 
instructions to explore the Gulf region between Pensacola an.i 



^*Franck was an Austrian engineer, who had gone to New Spain 
with the Count of Monclova. He had done very efficient work in the 
construction of the Castle of San Juan de Ultia, and in planning other 
fortifications for the city of Vera Cruz. He was a eccentric character, 
but thoroughly competent in his profession. His name is given as 
"Jaime Lajonk" (!) in Lowery, Descriptive list of maps 'of the Spanish 
possessions within the present limits of the United States, p. 214 
(Washington, 1912; P. Lee Phillips, editor). 

•'^The viceroy to the king, June 9, 1693, 9 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 
Three days later the viceroy wrote a personal note to the secretary 
of the Council of the Indies, stating that he was sending Pez to report 
on the Pensacola matter, and expressing his opinion that Pez would 
be able to convince the most skeptical person as to the Importance 
of the occupation of the bay (The viceroy to Juan de la Rea, June 
12, 1693, 6 pp., ibid.). 



170 University of Texas Bulletin 

Mobile Bays. Fray Rodrigo de la Barreda, guardian of the 
Franciscan convent of Havana, formerly a missionary in the 
Apalachicola district, was selected to accompany him. The two 
leaders sailed from Vera Cruz on February 24, and arrived at 
Havana on March 17. In spite of this early start, they did 
not reach Florida until after Fez and Sigiienza had concluded 
their exploration. With a force of twenty-five soldiers furnished 
by the governor of Havana, they arrived at Apalache on May 
15. Eeinforcemcnts and a number of Indian guides were pro- 
vided, and on June 8 the march to Pensacola was begun. The 
vessel was sent to reconnoitcr the coast, and to await the land 
forces at Pensacola Bay. After a tedious march over a rough 
and unknoM'n country, Torres and his men arrived at the bay 
on July 2. With the aid of the guides, they at once found the 
site of the Panzacola village. Only the deserted houses of the 
village were to be seen, for the tribe, according to the statements 
of the accompanying Indians, had finally been exterminated 
through the long war which they had been forced to wage with 
the Mobilas. The ship was found anchored in the bay. Torres 
then proceeded to examine the locality in the same careful 
fashion as Pez and Sigiienza had done two months previously. 
The continuation of the journey by land to Mobile Bay was 
given up, as the guides said that progress would be very diffi- 
cult because of the many swamps and creeks that must be crossed. 
Two of the pilots were therefore despatched in the ship to re- 
connoitcr the bay. They were gone for ten days, and made a 
thorough examination of the harbor. No Indians were encoun- 
tered, and it was said that the Mobilas had retired toward the 
north in order to trade with the English colonists of Carolina. 
On August 5 Governor Torres was ready to take up his march 
to St. Augustine. He wrote letters from "La Gran Baya de 
Panzocola" to the king and the viceroy, sending to the latter 
the diary and antos of the expedition. He described Pensacola 
as a good port, capable of being fortified with ease, but lacking 
in building stone, and uninhabited by native tribes."" 



^''The diary and autos have not yet come to light. The above sum- 
mary is based on the following documents: Horden y Instrucion q a 
de executar Don Laureano de Torres y Ayala, Jan. 12, 1693, 8 pp ; 
the viceroy to the king, May 12, 1693, 5 pp.; same to same, June 9, 
1693, 9 pp.; Torres to the king, Aug. 5, 1693, 7 pp. (all in (Mexico, 
61-6-21). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 171 

The land expedition had thus been delayed until, as has been 
seen, it had little bearing upon the plans for the occupation of 
Pensacola Bay. The viceroy did not report the results of the 
exploration until May of the following year. During these 
months nothing was done toward sending an engineer to lay 
out the plan of the proposed fortifications. The viceroy had 
evidently decided to allow the case to rest on the findings of 
the Pez-Sigiienza expedition, and to take no further action until 
the outcome of Fez's mission to Spain was apparent.^^ 

The royal order of 1694, n)td continued procrastination. — 
The viceroy's dispatch of June 9, 1693, with Sigiienza's journal 
and map and accompanying documents, reached Spain in Decem- 
ber following : There was no longer any active resistance mani- 
fested by the Junta de Guerra. Indeed, as a result of its recom- 
mendations,^^ a cedula was issued on June 13, 1694, instructing 
the viceroy to begin Avithout further delay the occupation and 
fortification of Santa Maria de Galve Bay, according to the 
specifications which the military engineer, Jaime Franck, might 
have prepared. The details M^ere left to the discretion of the 
viceroy. He was again cautioned, however, against making any 
change in St. Augustine. While the preliminary occupation was 
being carried out from New Spain, the cedula continued, the 
king w^ould make arrangements to send the two hundred troops 
that had been asked for, as well as all supplies necessary to 
place the new establishment on a substantial basis. In acord- 
ance with the viceroy's suggestion, the Consulado of Seville had 
been asked to advance the 20,000 pesos. The king trusted to the 
intelligence and zeal of the viceroy to place the bay in a con- 



"The autos were remitted by the viceroy, with an official report, on 
May 12, 1694. He observed that there were some discrepancies be- 
tween the figures of Torres and Sigiienza, but that this was probably 
due to the difference In season, and the varying influence of the moon. 
Except for a few minor details, the results of the two expeditions, 
he said, were identical, and showed the excellence of the region that 
had been visited (Mexico, 61-6-21, 5 pp.). 

"^Consulta of the Junta de Guerra, April 2, 1694, Indiferentc General, 
147-5-29, 9 pp. 



172 University of Texas Bulletin 

ditioii to withstand any attack that might be made upon it by 
foreign enemies.^'' 

Having definitely authorized the occupation of Pensacola Bay, 
the Junta de Guerra apparently dropped the matter, and made 
little effort to see that its recommendations, as embodied in the 
royal cedula, were executed. Pez himself returfted to America, 
and no one in Spain seemed to be sufficiently interested to push 
the project. The permission accorded to the viceroy to begin 
the occupation Of the bay did not materially advance the en- 
terprise. In answer to the cedula of June 13, the Count of 
Galve replied, a year and a half later, that lack of resources 
would prevent his taking any action until the desired assistance 
should be sent from Spain.*** The death of Galve early in 1696 
removed one of the most enthusiastic advocates of the move- 
ment. His letter served, however, to call the attention of the 
Junta de Guerra to the whole matter again, and in December, 
1696 an investigation was instituted to learn why the troops 
and supplies which had been authorized two and a half years 
before had not been sent to Pensacola. It was discovered now 
that the Considado of Seville had refused to advance the 20,000 
pesos, and that consequently nothing whatever had been done 
in the matter. Upon receipt of this surprising intelligence, the 
Junta decided to make an attempt to raise the required funds 
through an asiento with private individuals. The jiresident of 
the Casa de la Contratacion was accordingly requested to en- 
deavor to find some person who would agree to finance the 
undertaking. The governorship of the new post was offered 
as an inducement, and other special favors were promised.*^ 
The president replied on January 21, 1697 that he would spare 
no efforts to strike a bargain with some responsible individual.*^ 

This belated outburst of energy proved to be merely a flash 



^'Real cedula, June 13, 1694, 4 i)p. (Mexico, 61-6-21) ; Para despachar 
una carta del Virrey Conde de Galbe de 12 Junio de 1693, 12 pp. [il)id.). 

""Para despachar una carta del Virrey Conde de Galve de 10 de 
Dice. 1695, 2 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 

"Minuta de consulta, Dec. 13, 1696, 2 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-21). 

"Para despachar una carta del Virrey Conde de Galbe de 12 de 
Junio de 1693 (with annotations of later date), pp. 11-12. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 173 

in the pan. Private as well as royal resources had been ex- 
hausted by the long M'ar with France, and by the many appeals 
for aid that had been made by the government. Another year 
of procrastination was to ensue before further action was taken 
in regard to Pensacola. During that interval, the treaty of 
Eyswick was signed,*" and the warring nations of Europe paused 
for a breathing spell before renewing the struggle. No sooner 
had peace been declared than the old fears of French aggres- 
sion were revived in Spain. The period of inaction was at an 
end. 

The final order for the occupation of Pensacola. — Early in 
1698 trustworthy reports were received by the Spanish gov- 
ernment that Louis XIV was preparing to carry out the old plans 
of La Salle, and found a colony on the Gulf of Mexico. It 
was said that four vessels were being fitted out in France for 
this purpose, and that families would be sent from Martinique, 
Santo Domingo, and Guadeloupe to occupy some port in the 
Gulf — presumably Pensacola Bay.** After hurried action by the 
Junta de Guerra, a royal cedula was issued on April 19, 1698, 
which made the founding of a presidio at Pensacola the most 
urgent business of the whole empire. 

The cedula, after summarizing the whole course of events 
since the attempt of La Salle to settle on the Gulf coast, told 
of the new reports that had been received concerning French 
designs, and announced the king's determination to occupy the 
Bay of Santa Maria de Galve with the utmost haste. To this 



"September 20, 1697. 

"This information was contained in a letter written by a Spanish 
subject in La Rochelle to one of the ministers on March 14, 1698, 
and sent to Spain by special messenger (Diego de Peredo to Enrique 
Enriquez de Guzman, 3 pp., Mexico, 61-6-21). At about the same time 
the government came into possession of a Frencli pamphlet, which 
told of the organization, under the patronage of Louis XIV, of a 
trading company designed to effect the colonization of Louisiana 
(Capitulo de librillo en q. se expresa el intento q tienen franceses en 
tomar pie en el Seno Mejicano, ibid., 3 pp.). These documents were 
transmitted by the king to the Council of the Indies on April 1. On 
the 7th, the Council ordered a summary made of all of the "ante- 
cedentes," and on the 12th the matter was referred in all haste to the 
Junta de Guerra. The proceedings of the latter body are not available. 



174 University of Texas Bulletin 

end orders had been given for the raising of the troops and 
supplies that had originally been asked for by the Count of 
Galve, so that they might be sent to New Spain without fail 
in the fleet that was soon to sail. In order to make sure of 
forestalling the French, however, the viceroy, now Jose Sar- 
miento de Valladares, Count of Montezuma, was commanded to 
begin immediately the preliminary occupation of the bay. He 
was authorized to make use of any available revenues whatso- 
ever for this purpose. As many men as possible were to be sent 
to take possession of Pensaeola, and the engineer, Jaime Franck, 
was to accompany them, in order that work on the fortifications 
might be gotten under way, without awaiting the arrival of the 
expeditionary forces from Spain. Copies of the cedilla were 
addressed to the viceroy, the governor of Havana, and the cotTe- 
gidor of Vera Cruz, and were hurried to America on a special 
ship.*^ 

Not content with the steps taken by the Junta de Guerra 
to meet the threatened danger, the Council of the Indies began 
to devise additional measures for anticipating the French. Just 
at this time a great deal of anxiety prevailed in Spain in regard 
to the safety of the galleons from South America, which were 
long overdue. It was feared that they had met with some ac- 
cident. The safe arrival of the galleons, with their store of 
treasure, was a matter of vital importance to the whole nation. 
The merchants who were most interested had therefore resolved 
to send out a relief expedition to investigate the causes for the 
delay. Two vessels were being made ready at Cadiz for this 
purpose, having been placed under the command of a prominent 
naval officer, named Martin de Aranguren Zavala. One hundred 
soldiers had been requested b.y the Consulado of Seville in order 
that discipline might be insured during the voyage. The Coun- 
cil of the Indies, ever on the watch for some means of relieving 
the bankrupt royal exchequer of additional strain, saw in this 
enterprise a chance to take further precautions against the de- 
signs of Louis XIV in the Gulf region. Zavala was given secret 



**Real c6dula, April 19, 1698, in Testimonio de Autos ejecutados en 
Virtiid de Rl Cedula de Su Magd. Sobre la fortificazon. y Poblazon 
de la Bahia de Sta Ma de Galue y Panzacola, pp. 2-7 (Mexico, 61-6-22). 



Spaiiisli and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 175 

instructions, which were to govern his action in case he found 
upon arrival at Havana that the tialleon.s were safe, and had 
already continued the voyage to Spain. In the event of such 
good fortune, he was to proceed at once to Vera Cruz, and 
join his forces to the expedition that would be sent out by the 
viceroy to Pensacola Bay. As Admiral Pez was then under 
suspension on account of alleged neglect of duty,""' Zavala was 
formally commissioned as commander-in-chief of the combined 
expedition. The foregoing instructions were to be observed only 
in case Zavala found that the galleons had already departed for 
Spain. He was advised that, although the occupation of Pen- 
sacola was a matter of great importance, his primary duty was 
to insure the safe return of the galleons.*' 

Still another precautionary measure was adopted by the gov- 
ernment. Secret instructions were also given to Captain J nan 
Jordan, who was now in Spain, to embark in Zavala's fleet. 
Upon arrival at Havana, he was to deliver to the governor of 
the port a royal requisition for a frigate, fourteen cannon, one 
hundred men, and necessary supplies, including lumber for tb ^ 
building of a redoubt. He was then to proceed to Santa iMaria 
de Galve Bay, and hold it against the enemy until the main 
expedition from Mexico should put in an appearance.** 

There were thus three distinct plans formulated by the home 
government for the occupation of Pensacola. It might reason- 
ably be expected that one of the three would prove successful. 



'"Pez was accused of cowardice and neglect of duty in connection 
with a combat with pirates off the coast of Cuba in 1697 (Expediente 
sobre la causa y prision del general de la armada de barlovento D. 
Andres de Pez y el Almirante Dn. Guillermo Molfi; Santo Domingo, 
55-6-2). Although Pez was supposed to be suspended from his post, 
his services had been too badly needed to be dispensed with, and he 
was still in command of the windward squadron. He was not cleared 
of the charges until 1701, and until that time suffered a temporary 
loss of prestige. 

"Consulta of the Council of the Indies, April 22, 1698, 6 pp. (Mexico, 
61-6-21); instructions to Zavala, April 24, 1698. 4 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-33); 
the king to the viceroy, April 24, 1698, 4 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-33.). 

*'Instruccion que ha de observar el Capn Dn Juan Jordan de Reyna, 
April 28, 1698, in Testimonio de Autos ejeccutados, etc., 237-239. 



176 University of Texas Bulletin 

The energy that was now manifested was in strong contrast to 
the indifference of previous years. Once more it had required 
the threat of foreign encroachment to awaken the inefficient 
royal government. But Spain was to show that she could still 
accomplish something when fully aroused to the necessity for 
action. 

The founding of the presidio of San Carlos de Austria. — The 
royal cedula reached Mexico on July 14, 1698, and was promised 
the customary obedience. As the king's orders admitted of no 
delay, the machinery of the viceregal government was instantly 
put into operation. The viceroy first called upon Sigiienza and 
a prominent naval officer, named Andres de Arriola,*^ for ex- 
pert advice as to the proper measures to be employed for the 
occupation of the bay. Arriola had visited Pensacola in 1695, 
and thus had personal knowledge of the region. He was hence- 
forth to occupy as prominent a position in the later phase of 
the Pensaeola enterprise as Pez had done in earlier years. He 
had been in the royal service for twenty-four years, and had 
successfully performed many important missions. In 1694 he 
had achieved much fame by a record-breaking voyage to the 
Philippine Islands. Upon his return he had been commissioned 
to clear the Gulf waters of a gang of pirates which had been 
especially troublesome, and it was while on this cruise that he 
had entered Pensacola Bay, and had also been off the mouth of 
the Rio de la Palizada. He had recently been made alcalde 
mayor of Guanajuato, and stood high in the favor of the vice- 
roy.^" 



^'Arriola's name is usually given as "Riola," in the French docu- 
ments of the period (of Margry, iv, 386, 387, 388, etc.). This mistake 
was doubtless due to the peculiar form in which Arriola wrote his 
name — "ARiola," the "A" being obscured in a flourish of the pre- 
ceding word. 

°°Full details of Arriola's adventurous career are given in his "Rela- 
cion de servicios," dated October 25, 1695 (Mexico, 61-1-19, 7 pp.; 
enclosed with letter of the Count of Galve to the king, Dec. 29, 1695, 
ihid., 3 pp.). He had served in three different fleets until 1691, when 
he became sergeant-major of the presidio of Vera Cruz. In 1694 he 
was appointed general of a relief expedition to the Philippines. For 
two years the annual galleons from those islands had failed to put iu 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 177 

Sigiienza and Arriola made their reports two days after the 
viceroy's order was issued. It was with evident satisfaction 
that Sigiienza learned of the determination of the crown to carry 
out his favorite project. Before giving his suggestions in regard 
to the arrangements that should be made, he could not refrain 
from making a few general observations concerning the whole 
movement. He first quoted from his report of June 1, 1693, 
and asked the viceroy to compare those words with the passage 
in the royal cedula which referred to the designs of the French. 
Comparison of the two statements, Sigiienza declared, wouhl 
prove that his early predictions had been completely verified. 
He then explained how Pez had been able to make a detailed 
report on Pensacola Bay in spite of the fact that he (Pez) had 
never examined it personally prior to 1693. The memorial pre- 
sented by Pez in 1689, Sigiienza averred, had been the work of 
Juan Enriquez Barroto, one of Sigiienza 's students. Barroto 
was of a retiring disposition, however, and had not pushed the 
matter, whereupon Pez stepped in, appropriated the report as 
his own, and obtained sole credit for the ideas which it contained. 
Sigiienza blamed Pez for the long delay in the occupation of 
Pensacola, saying that the latter had thought he would get more 
out of the project for himself if he went to Spain to promote it 
in person. Sigiienza claimed that he could prove that the en- 
tire list of supplies asked for by Pez could have been procured 
in New Spain in the beginning. The selfish motives of one man, 
he said, had therefore been responsible for the long delay, and 
made it necessary for the royal treasury to be burdened with the 
e^itraordinary expenses which would be incurred in the hasty 
occupation that was then necessary. Having vented his indigna- 
tion against PeZ; Sigiienza then took up in his usual careful 

an appearance, and Arriola was ordered to investigate. He made the 
voyage from Acapulco to Cavite in less than four months, learned 
that both of the missing galleons had been wrecked, and returned 
by a new route to report the news. He made the return trip in six 
and one-half months, having been gone less than eleven months, and 
thus breaking, it was said, all previous records for trans-Pacific naviga- 
tion. As a reward for this service, he had been recommended by 
the Count of Galve for the office of president of the audiencia of Santo 
Domingo or that of governor of Havana (ibid.). 

12-S. 



178 University of Texas Bulletin 

way the details of the actual occupation. He advised that a 
force of one hundred and fifty men be sent from Mexico, re- 
inforced by troops from St. Augustine, Havana, and Apalache. 
Three ships would be required for the transportation of the 
men and supplies. The landing should be made at the Bar- 
ranca de Santo Tome, and the first defences erected there. He 
urged great haste, lest the French should arrive first, and offered 
his own services, as far as his failing health permitted, in any 
capacity in which he might be useful.^^ 

Arriola's recommendations for the founding of the presidio at 
Pensacola differed little from those of Sigiienza. The following 
were the chief items that he thought necessary: Two hundred 
soldiers, three ships with crews of forty men each, a number of 
skilled workmen, and supplies for six months. He supposed that 
the presidio would have to be built of wood, as he had seen no 
stone on his visit to the bay in 1695. Fortifications should be 
built on each of the points at the entrance of the channel. As 
the distance between them was about 3,000 varas, it might be 
advisable to stretch a wooden chain in the center, so that the 
artillery would be able to command the channel on each side. 
Arriola said that he felt it to be his duty to state that the 
country around Pensacola, as he remembered it, was sterile, 
swampy, sparsely inhabited, and far from being the inviting 
region that others had described it to be. In view of the king's 
urgent orders, however, there was nothing to do but to proceed 
with the work of occupation. He thought the real objective of 
the French, however, was the Rio de la Palizada, for that was 
doubtless the river for which La Salle had been looking when 
his ships were wrecked at San Bernardo Bay. Arriola said 
that when he had visited the Palizada on his voyage of 1695, 
he had seen many indications that it was a stream of great 
volume. He suspected that it was the one which Hernan de 
Soto had called ''Rio Grande," down which the adelantado had 
sailed for more than four hundred leagues to the open sea. It 
was very important to control the mouth of this great river, 



"^Informe de Don CS.rlos de Sigiienza y Gongora, July 16, 1698, in 
Testimonio de Autos ejecutados, 14-29. 



SpanisJi and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 179 

Arriola continued, and it should be thoroughly explored. The 
Rio del Almirante should also be examined again, as it might 
prove to be a branch of the Palizada. To aid both the founding 
of the presidio at Santa Maria de Galve and the proposed ex- 
ploration of the Palizada, supplies should be forwarded from 
Apalache, and priests sent to work among the natives of the 
coast region."^ 

Arriola 's. report was adopted in preference to Sigiienza's,'^ 
and the actual work of preparation was begun. The factor had 
already drawn up an estimate of the cost of the expedition. 
The total expense amounted to 39,000 pesos. The chief items 
were three ships, twelve cannon, two hundred soldiers, one 
hundred and twenty sailors, nine artillerymen, three priests, 
three surgeons, twelve carpenters, six brickmasons, and four 
smiths, all with their helpers, making a total of 357 individuals.^* 
Arriola was appointed commander-in-chief and governor of the 
new post. Francisco Martinez, who had been conspicuous in the 
early expeditions to Texas, was made sergeant-major, and second 
in command. Jaime Frauck, the military engineer, was detailed 
to superintend the building of the fortifications. Recruiting 
progressed very slowly. Special inducements in the way of 
extra pay were offered. A proclamation was issued ordering 
all men who had served in the windward squadron to enlist, 
under penalty of being declared deserters in case of failure to 
respond. Numbers of beggars and convicts were also pressed 
into service. The preparations were continued throughout Au- 
gust and September and well into October, for there were count- 
less details to be looked after in typical Spanish fashion. For 
three months Vera Cruz was the scene of bustle and activity 
seldom witnessed in the Spanish colonial dominions.^^ 



"Informe de Dn Andres de Arriola, July 16, 1698, ibid., 29-33. 

'^Respiiesta fiscal, July 28, 1698, ibid., 8-14. 

"Regulacion de gastos, July 17, 1698, ibid., 33-37. 

"'^The detailed autos are ibid., pp. 1-166. The three priests chosen 
to accompany the expedition were Fathers Rodrigo de la Barreda, 
Alfonso Ximenez de Cisneros, and Miguel Gomez Alvarez (p. 60). 
On September 18 the viceroy sent to the king a brief report of 
progress made (Mexico, 61-6-22, 4 pp.). 



180 University of Texas Bulletin 

Arriola's instructions were dated September 16. They con- 
sisted of two parts. One set was to guide him in case the bay 
was found to be deserted; the other, in case the French had 
already arrived. The three ships were to keep together, and 
sail directly to "Santa Maria de Galve, commonly called Pen- 
sacola. " If no signs of settlement were seen, the expedition 
was to enter the harbor, with great caution, however, lea.ving one 
vessel outside on sentinel duty. The troops should disembark 
under good military discipline, the supplies should be landed, 
and work on the fortifications begun at once. Franek was to 
draw up the plans of the presidio, and was to have genera] 
supervision of all matters connected with its construction. The 
Indians might be utilized in this task, but were not to be forced 
to labor against their will. As soon as these activities were under 
way, the exploration proposed by Arriola should be carried out. 
As soon as feasible, one of the ships should be sent to report the 
progress made. In the event that the French were already set- 
tled at the bay, Arriola was to bring about a general engagement 
with them, if after careful investigation of their numbers and 
strength, he thought it wise to risk battle. If the enemy was too 
strong to be attacked, the expedition should retire to Vera Cruz, 
where further measures would be decided upon.^*' 

The three vessels set sail from Vera Cruz on October 15.^' 
They were beset by stormy weather and contrary winds, and did 
not reach Pensacola until November 21, after a hazardous voyage 
of thirty-eight days. The bay was found to be already occu- 
pied, but happily not by the French. Just a few days before. 
Captain Juan Jordan had taken possession of the region in the 
name of the king. Zavala's fleet had arrived at Havana on 
October 13, and the welcome news was received that the gal- 
leons were safe, and had continued their voyage to Spain. Jor- 
dan at once presented the royal order to the authorities of the 
port, and was given such assistance as their meager resources 
permitted. Only fifty men were furnished instead of the one 



^"Instruccon. dada al Mre de Campo D. Andres de Arriola, Hid., 
166-177. 

"Oflciales reales of Vera Cruz to the viceroy, Oct. 22, 1698, iUcl., 183. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 181 

hundred which the king- commanded. Two small vessels were 
made ready, with a total of six cannon. Jordan left Havana on 
November 6, and reached Pensacola on the 17th. Zavala had 
remained at Havana for two weeks, and, in accordance with his 
secret instructions, had continued his voyag'e to Vera Cruz, 
where he was to arrive more than a month after the departure 
of the forces which he was ordered to join and command.^^ Had 
it not been for the bad weather which delayed the progress of 
Arriola 's fleet, the expedition sent out by the viceroy would have 
preceded that despatched from Spain by several days. As it 
was, however. Captain Jordan had the honor of being the winner 
of the race, and the first to begin the formal occupation of 
Santa Maria de Galve. 

Upon the arrival of the main expedition, operations were begun 
in earnest. The troops and supplies were landed at Barranca 
de Santo Tome, timber cut and hauled, and temporary quar- 
ters erected. Franck at once selected a site for the fort, and 
within six days a battery of sixteen guns was in position. The 
presidio was given the name of ' ' San Carlos de Austria. ' ' It was 
built of pine logs, in the form of a square, one hundred varas 
on each side, and with four bastions. ^^ To its construction 
Franck endeavored to give the best that was in him, because, as 
he said, he wished it to be, by the grace of God, the last pre- 
sidio he would ever have to build in the Indies. Although the 
king had ordered fortifications to be erected on both sides of 
the entrance to the bay, it was decided to be impracticable to 
build a fort on the eastern point, called "Punta de Sigiienza," 
on account of its low and swampy nature.*"' 

Both Arriola and Franck were very unfavorably impressed 



'Jordan to the viceroy, Dec. 6, 1698, ibid., 239-241; Zavala to the 
king, July 28, 1699, 6 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-33); Jordan to the king, Nov. 
7, 1699, 3 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). 

=»A plan of the fort is in A. G. I., Mexico, 61-6-22. A small re- 
production may be found in P. J. Hamilton's Colonial Mobile, p. 48 
(ed. 1910). 

'"Junta formada por Dn Andres de Arriola, Nov. 23, 1698. in Testi- 
monio de Autos ejecutados, 255-261; Papel del Ingeniero Don Jaime 
Frank, Dec. 9, 1698, ibid.. 242-247; Franck to the viceroy, Dec. 20, 
1698, ibid., 248-254. 



182 University of Texas Bulletin 

with the isolated region to which they had been exiled. Condi- 
tions seemed totally different from those represented in the 
roseate-hued picture drawn by Pez and Sigiienza a few years 
before. Franck was so greatly disappointed that he wonld have 
preferred, had the royal order been less imperative, to post- 
pone the building of the presidio, and hold the bay with some 
sort of trench fortification until the king could be informed 
of the true conditions there. He thought it useless to fortify 
Pensacola, when there were several other bays in that region 
which the French might occupy at their pleasure. He believed 
that he was merely wasting his own time and the king's money 
in the work that he was carrying out.^^ Arriola's dissatisfaction 
is clearly revealed in various letters which he wrote to the king 
and to the viceroy shortly after his arrival. He had only words 
of condemnation for the -whole enterprise. The channel to the 
bay could not be fortified so as to prevent hostile ships from 
entering at will. The surrounding region was sterile. The har- 
bor itself was unsheltered. The navigation of the adjoining 
coasts was extremely dangerous. In his opinion, the only justi- 
fication for holding the bay would be the conversion of the 
few natives who lived in its vicinity.^- 

There was no thought of abandoning the project, however, 
until the pleasure of the king could be learned. As soon as 
work on the presidio was well under way, the shallop was put 
together, and the immediate region about the bay was explored. 
The Rio del Almirante was followed to its source. It proved 
to be an inconsiderable stream, instead of the mighty river which 
Sigiienza had believed it to be. The Jovenazo was also navi- 
gated for two days, but the intense cold caused the explorers 
to desist. None of the other streams flowing into the bay was 
deemed worthy of examination.^^ These activities merely con- 
firmed Arriola's first opinion as to the uselessness of his mis- 



"Franck to the viceroy, Dec. 20, 1698, in Testimonio de Autos ejecuta- 
dos, 248-154. 

"'Arriola to the Iting, Dec. 1, 1698, 5 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22); Arriola to 
the viceroy, Dec. 22, 1698, in Testimonio de Autos ejecutados, 262-269. 

«^ Arriola to the king, May 9, 1699, 9 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). A map 
of the Pensacola region, in colors, is in this legajo. It is reproduced 
in Hamilton's Colonial Mobile, p. 44. 



Spanish and Frencli Rivalry in Gulf Region 183 

sion. He did not believe that the French had any designs upon 
Pensacola, but was convinced that their real objective was the 
Rio de la Palizada. He therefore decided to carry out the 
larger work of exploration which he had planned, and to return 
to JVEexico to report at the earliest opportunity.®* 

The construction of the presidio progressed as well as could 
have been expected in face of the many difficulties that were 
encountered. The unusually cold weather, and the lack of suit- 
able clothing and shelter entailed severe hardships upon the 
troops. The unruly disposition of the recruits caused trouble 
from the first. Some forty of the transported criminals de- 
serted in a body, although most of them were later recaptured. 
The camp was split into rival factions, and quarreling and fight- 
ing were of frequent occurrence. Food was poor and scarce. 
Petty thievery became a veritable pest. On the night of Jan- 
uary 3, a fire broke out, and consumed eight buildings, including 
the chapel, the quarters of Captain Jordan, and the chief store 
house of provisions, The danger of starvation was now added 
to the growing list of misfortunes. On the 4th, one of the 
vessels was dispatched to Mexico, with an appeal for succor, 
and at this time the unfavorable reports of Arriola and Franck 
were remitted to the viceroy. A few days later an incendiarj^ 
fire was discovered just in time to prevent another disaster.^^ 
Under such adverse conditions was brought into being the new 
establishment by means of which Spain hoped to maintain her 
claim to the whole Gulf coast and lower Mississippi valley.''® 



"Arriola to the viceroy, Dec. 22, 1698, in Testimonio de Autos ejecuta- 
dos, 262-269. 

^Jaime Franck gives a grimly humorous account of conditions at 
Pensacola in a letter to the secretary of the Council of the Indies, 
written on February 19, 1699 (Mexico, 61-6-22, 9 pp.). 

^''In concluding this chapter, attention should be called to the old 
mistake in the date of the founding of Pensacola. It has usually been 
given as 1696, doubtless through Barcia's Ensayo Cronologico (p. 316). 
Although the correct date may be inferred from the French sources 
in Margry, vol. 4, most American historians have persisted in perpet- 
uating the old error contained in early Spanish works. Cf. Winsor's 
Narrative and Critical History of America, v. p. 17, note 1; Monette's 
Valley of the Mississippi, i, 75. 



184 University of Texas Bulletin 

rts efficacy was soon to be tested by the speedy materialization 
of the danger which the expeditionary forces had been sent to 
counteract. 



SpamsJi and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 185 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE FRENCH COLONIZATION OF LOUISIANA, AND 
THE IMPOTENCE OF SPAIN. 

The second French invasio<n of tJie Gulf region. — On the 
morning of January 26 a fleet of vessels arrived before the 
entrance to the harbor at Santa Maria de Galve, and announced 
its presence by firing five cannon shots. A dense fog prevented 
the ships from being clearly pereeived from shore, and, fearing 
that they might attempt some hostile move under cover of the 
log, Arriola replied to the salute by firing three shots charged 
with ball. At the same time he gave orders for a boat to go 
forth to reconnoiter the strangers. The squadron was found 
to consist of five vessels, three of them being large frigates, and 
twx) small ketches. As the mist cleared away before the morning 
sun, they could be plainly seen, anchored at the entrance to the 
channel, some two leagues away. The flag of France was flying 
in the breeze. The Spanish colors were immediately hoisted on 
the unfinished fort, and preparations made to resist the ex- 
pected attack. The presidio was placed in the best possible state 
of defence, the two vessels in the harbor were made ready for 
action, and men were stationed at possible landing points. One 
of the vessels, having no guns, was converted into a fire ship. 
Artiola assumed command of the meager naval forces, while 
Martinez was entrusted with the defence of the presidio. All 
of the recently apprehended deserters were pardoned in order 
they might assist in the approaching battle. The rest of the 
day, however, passed without incident. 

At sunrise of the following day, the flagship of the French 
squadron fired a blank shot, tO' which Arriola replied in like 
manner, and a launch put forth for the presidio. In order to 
present as formidable an appearance as possible, all of the sol- 
diers were stationed at their posts, care being taken to conceal 
their half-naked condition by arranging them so that only their 
heads could be seen over the parapets. Arriola received the 
launch on the beach, allowing only the envoy and one companion 



186 University of Texas Bulletin 

to land. The visitors were then escorted to headquarters, where 
all of the officers were assembled. After the usual courtesies 
had been exchanged, the emissary, who gave his name as M. Esca- 
lette, delivered a message from his commander-in-chief, the 
Marquis de Chasteaumorant. The latter sent word that he had 
come at the command of the king of France to reconnoiter the 
coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and to drive out certain Canadian 
adventurers who were said to have taken refuge in that region. 
He asked permission to enter the bay, in order to obtain shelter 
for his ships, as well as to secure fuel and water for the return 
voyage to France. He trusted that this request would be granted 
in view of the friendly relations then existing between Spain 
and France. If the Spaniards were in need of provisions, he 
would be glad to supply them with anything they might desire 
from the ships under his command. The envoy obligingly gave 
full details concerning the size and strength of the squadron. The 
flag-ship, named the Francois, carried fifty-eight guns; the sec- 
ond ship, the Marin, had thirty-eight guns ; the third, the Badine, 
had thirty-two; and the two ketches, six guns each. 

Arriola drew up a reply to the French commander, in which 
he complimented that officer in most extravagant Spanish fashion, 
but expressed his regret at being unable to accede to the request 
that had been made. He had strict orders from his king, he said, 
to prevent any foreign vessel from entering the bay. In view of 
the good harmony then prevailing between the two crowns, how- 
ever, he would send his sergeant-major, with a good pilot, to 
assist in anchoring the vessels at a safer place along the coast, 
where they would be able to secure the necessary wood and water 
for the continuation of their voyage. 

Francisco Martinez, a pilot, and several other men accord- 
ingly returned with the emissary to the flag-ship, where they 
were royally entertained by the French. They learned that the 
expedition consisted of one thousand men, all splendidly 
equipped, with a large number of cattle and horses, and abun- 
dant supplies of all kinds. The two smaller vessels were kept 
secluded at a considerable distance away. The Spaniards were 
told that these vessels were captured corsairs, which had been 
taken off the coast of Cuba, but Martinez thought that they 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 187 

contained women and children destined for the founding of a 
colony. The notorious pirate, Laurent de Graaf , or ' ' Lorenzillo, ' ' 
as he was called by the Spaniards, was acting as pilot and inter- 
preter for the French, and in addition a Spanish pilot, named 
Juan Vicente, who had formerly served in the windward squad- 
ron, had been pressed into service. Martinez was asked many 
questions in regard to the Gulf, especially about the Palizada, 
San Bernardo, the Rio Bravo, and Panuco, but gave his hosts 
little information, beyond stating that all of those places were 
very shallow and uninviting.^ 

The verbal request made through his envoy having been re- 
fused, Chasteaumorant wrote a formal letter to Arrioia, again 
asking leave to enter the bay. This letter read as follows: 

Sir : The officer whom I sent to you has doubtless acquainted 
you with the reasons for which my master, the king of France, 
has ordered me to these coasts. For my own part, 1 greatly 
appreciate the compliments with which you honor me, and should 
like to have an opportunity of showing my appreciation. The 
necessity of securing wood and water obliges me to recur to the 
aid of Your Lordship. I therefore entreat you to allow the ves- 
sels of the king to enter that port in order that they may be 
sheltered in case of bad weather. As soon as we can supply our 
needs, we shall begin our return voyage to France. The good 
union existing betwen the two crowns should induce you to 
grant this request. Moreover, I pledge my word that not a man 
shall go ashore except with your permission, and that there will 
be no trading except as you may desire. I am, very sincerely, 
Monseigneur, your most humble and obedient servant. The Mar- 
quis de Chasteaumorant. 

Arriola replied to this second appeal in the following words: 

My Dear Sir : I could not better manifest the esteem in which 
I hold Your Lordship's person than by the letter which I wrote 
you in order to assure you of my friendship, and of my desire 
to serve you as far a-s may be within my power. It grieves me 
exceedingly that I am not able to grant the request which Youi: 
Lordship was pleased to communicate to me through your emis- 
sary, the Ship-Lieutenant, and now repeat in your letter . . . 
since I have express orders from my Mng and master (may God 
guard him) to prevent the entrance of any foreign vessels what- 

^Martlnez to the governor of Havana, Feb. 21, 1699, 5 pp. (Mexico, 
61-6-22). 



188 University of Texas Bulletin 

soever. In view of this, and since Your Lordship understands 
with what exactness such sovereign orders must be obeyed, you 
will not consider me discourteous if I confess that my hands are 
tried ; and that, just as Your Lordship tries to serve your king, 
so I should strive to fulfill scrupulously what my master com- 
mands me to do. Nevertheless, in view of the courtesy due a 
person of Your Lordship's rank, and of the perfect union now 
existing between the two crowns, I offer to furnish you with 
wood and water through the labor of my o^^^l men, in case you 
do not find it convenient to use your own at the point imme- 
diately opposite the place where you are anchored, as I have 
given you to understand through the Lieutenant and my Ser- 
geant-Major. I have also sent a pilot with orders to remove 
the ships to a safe position on the coast. ... It thus appears 
that I have observed the laws of good faith and correspondence. 
I can frankly and in all amity assure Your Lordship that, accord- 
ing to the reports as to the size of your vessels, there is not suf- 
ficient depth in the channel for them to enter the bay. If Your 
Lordship or any officer wishes to land, you will be received and 
entertained as well as the resources of this isolated region may 
permit. I protest against any action beyond that which I have 
offered to concede. I shall consider any other mea.sures as a 
manifest infraction of the peace secured at such great cost, and 
shall be obliged to defend myself in order not to violate the 
instructions of my king and master as specified above. I am at 
Your Lordship's service, with all good will and desire to assist 
you to the utmost of my ability. May God protect Your Lord- 
ship many and happy years. Bay of Santa Maria de Galve, 
January 28, 1699. I kiss the hand of Your Lordship, your most 
affectionate servant, Andres de Arriola.- 

On the morning of the 29th the boats from the French ships 
were observed to be engaged in sounding the channel. Arriola 
at once sent an officer to order them to retire. The leader, who 
was "Lorenzillo," answered in good Spanish that they would 
obey, and the sounding party immediately returned to the ships. 
Upon receipt of Arriola 's second letter, a council of war was 
held on the flag-ship, and it was evidently decided not to tarry 
longer at Santa Maria de Galve. Chasteaumorant wrote a fare- 
well missive to Arriola, announcing that he would proceed to 



-This correspondence is enclosed with a letter of Arriola to the king, 
dated May 9, 1699 (Mexico, 61-6-22). Copies are also contained in 
Testimonio de Autos ejecutados, 282-284. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 189 

carry out the orders of his kmg for the extermination of pirates 
in the Gulf. He could not refrain, he said, from protestinj? 
against the inhospitality of the Spaniards during a time of peace, 
when Spanish ships would be cordially welcomed in any port 
belonging to France. He appreciated, however, the courtesy 
with which he had been treated. On the 30th the squadron toolc 
its departure, and was lost to view on the western horizon.^ 

Such was the nature of the first encounter between Spanish 
forces and the Iberville expedition, for such, of course, was the 
identity of the squadron which had appeared at Pensacola. It 
may be well at this point to depart from the Spanish sources, 
and recall the essential facts of that well-known expedition as 
they really occurred, before proceeding further with the Spanish 
side of the narrative. 

The warning message which reached Madrid early in 1698 
had not been based upon idle rumor, but was abundantly justi- 
fied by events that were then transpiring in France. After a 
lapse of thirteen years, plans to carry out La Salle's old enter- 
prise were finally under way. The conclusion of the treaty of 
Ryswick had enabled Louis XIV to turn his attention once 
more to the e-xtension of his colonial possessions in America. The 
necessity for prompt action was apparent. England was known 
to be preparing to secure her share of the empire that would be 
left without a master upon the demise of the rapidly failing king 
of Spain. Reports of the organization of an English company for 
the exploitation of the Mississippi valley reached France just at 
the time that a similar project was being promoted by Remo'i- 
ville and his associates. The danger from the English seemed 
so imminent that the French government was unwilling to trust 
the colonization of Louisiana to a private commercial company, 



^The preceding account is based on a number of letters written by 
the various officers at Pensacola. The most important are the follow- 
ing: Arriola to the viceroy, Feb. 20, 1699, in Testimonio de Autos 
ejecutados, 284-289; Martinez to the viceroy, Jan. 31, ibid., 281-282; 
Franck to the viceroy. Jan. 31, ibid.. 278-281; Franck to Martin de 
Sierra Alta, secretary of the Council of the Indies, Feb. 18, 1699, 8 pp. 
(Mexico, 61-6-22); Arriola to the governor of Havana, Feb. 2, 2 pp.; 
Martinez to same, Feb. 21, .5 pp.; Jordan to same, Feb. 15, 5 pp.; 
Arriola to the king. May 9, 1699, 9 pp. (ibid.). 



190 University of Texas Bulletin 

but decided to make the enterprise a royal one. The outcome 
of several months' preparations was the Iberville expedition, 
which sailed from Brest on October 24, 1698. Iberville's fleet 
consisted of four vessels, bearing about two hundred men and 
all necessary supplies for the founding of a colony, while a 
powerful frigate under the command of the Marquis de Chas- 
teaumorant, was dispatched to Santo Domingo, with orders to 
join the expedition at that island in order to furnish additional 
protection against the English. Iberville arrived at the French 
settlements in Santo Domingo early in December, and spent the 
remainder of that month in making arrangements for the final 
stage of his voyage. It was during this time that the master fili- 
buster, Laurent de Graaf , and a number of his adventurous com- 
panions, joined the expedition. Further alarming reports of 
English activities were received, but it was apparently not sus- 
pected that the Spaniards had occupied Pensacola. Iberville was 
unable to obtain any definite information in regard to the loca- 
tion of the Mississippi River, and, in order to avoid the mistake 
of La Salle, decided to make for the Florida coast, and follow 
the mainland closely until the great river should be discovered. 
This decision led, of course, to the meeting with the forces of 
Arriola at Pensacola, where, as has been seen, Iberville was 
careful to remain in the background. The expedition then pro- 
ceeded westward, visiting Mobile Bay, and finally stopping at 
a safe anchorage along the coast, now called Ship Island. From 
this point the exploration was continued in canoes, and on March 
2 the Mississippi was found and entered.* In April a temporary 
fort was built at Biloxi, and Iberville returned to France to 
report to the king, and to make further plans for the develop- 
ment of the new colony.^ In spite of the proximity of the new 



■•The ease with which Iberville's party passed through the mouth of 
the Mississippi reveals clearly the incapacity and lack of diligence on 
the part of the various Spanish explorers who had attempted to navi- 
gate its waters. 

"The French sources relating to Iberville's expedition and its pre- 
liminaries are printed in Margry, Decouvertes et Etablissements des 
Francais, vol. 4. Good secondary accounts may be found in Fortier, 
History of Louisiana, i, 30 et seg., and in Ogg, The Opening of the Mis- 
sissippi, 171-182. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 191 

settlement to Pensaeola, it was to be a full year before the Span- 
iards learned definitely of its existence. We are now ready to 
return to the situation at Pensaeola. 

As soon as the French .squadron had departed, Arriola called 
a council of his officers to discuss the situation. The flimsy false- 
hoods of the visitors had deceived no one. It was clear to all that 
the French had come fully prepared to found a colony in the 
Gulf region. It was supposed that, since they had found Pensa- 
eola already occupied, they would seek a suitable location fur- 
ther west. Arriola believed that if they did not settle at Mobile 
Bay, they would explore the Rio de la Palizada, and probably 
establish themselves at San Bernardo Bay, which he thought to 
be identical with the place called "Mississippi." In the council 
of war, Arriola submitted three questions, upon which the mem- 
bers were asked to give their opinions in writing : First, as to the 
advisability of sending a boat to observe the movements of the 
French; second, as to whether Arriola should remain at Pensa- 
eola, or embark at once for Mexico, to secure needed supplies 
and naval forces to prevent the French from accomplishing their 
designs; third, any general suggestions for defence were invited. 
The officers were unanimously opposed to sending a vessel in 
pursuit of the squadron. There could be no doubt as to the 
intentions of the French, the vessel would only be captured, and 
valuable time lost in giving the alarm. With one exception, all of 
the members of the junta urged Arriola to leave at once for 
Mexico,*' and make a personal appeal to the viceroy for supplies 
and reinforcements.'^ In accordance with the resolution of the 
council — a resolution which, we may be sure, was entirely in 
harmony with the wishes of the commanding officer — Arriola 
sailed for Vera Cruz on February 2, leaving Francisco Mar- 
tinez in charge of the garrison and presidio. 

The Darien episode, and its connection with Pensaeola and 
Louisiana. — Arriola arrived in New Spain during a period of 



"Juan Jordan thought that Arriola should remain at the presidio, and 
send some of his subordinates to Mexico. He hinted that he himself 
would be entirely competent to undertake the mission. 

'The junta was held on January 30. The opinions of the various 
oflScers are given in Testimonio de Autos ejecutados, 305-325. 



192 University of Texas Bulletin 

great excitement. Early in the previous November the viceroy 
had received word from the governor of Caracas that a large 
number of Scotch settlers were planning to found a colony at 
Isla de Oro, on the Isthmus of Darien. This report was con- 
firmed in January by a dispatch from the governor of Havana, 
who enclosed affidavits of a number of sailors to the effect that 
the Scotch were already en route to Darien. Upon receipt of 
this information, the danger was discussed in a junta general, 
which resolved that all available vessels be made ready for action 
against the invaders. Among the ships affected by this order 
were those belonging to the outgoing fleet and Zavala's three 
vessels which had been held at Vera Cruz pending the arrival 
of definite news from Arriola.^ When this preliminary action 
had been taken, the general alarm was still further increased 
by the receipt of an official dispatch from Panama, stating that 
five Scotch vessels, with a total of four thousand men. had ar- 
rived at Rancho Vie jo, twelve leagues from Porto Bello, and 
that six thousand more colonists were expected in the near fu- 
ture. Renewed efforts were made to fit out a great armada, and 
every resource of the viceroyalty was strained to meet what 
seemed to be the most formidable aggression that had yet been 
attempted against Spain's colonial possessions. It was just at 
this juncture that Arriola arrived with his report of the new 
French invasion, thus adding another momentous problem to 
the weighty ones which already confronted the harassed colonial 
officials.^ 

Special councils were convoked in the capital and among the 
naval officers at Vera Cruz to discuss the situation. It was the 



^Zavala had reached Vera Cruz on November 18, only to find that 
the expedition to Pensacola had departed several weeks before. Arf 
the viceroy had taken all necessary steps to occupy the bay, it was 
thought best for Zavala's fleet to remain at Vera Cruz until the out- 
come of Arriola's expedition could be ascertained. The first reports 
from Pensacola arrived in Mexico about January 23, in the vessel that 
had left the bay on the 4th. As these reports showed that the expedi- 
tion had met with no resistance, Zavala received orders to prepare his 
vessels for the return voyage to Spain. The danger from the Scotch, 
however, caused these instructions to be rescinded, as indicated above. 

"The viceroy of the king, July 14, 1699, pp. 1-2 (Mexico, 61-6-22). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 193 

general opinion that the new crisis theatened more sinister con- 
sequences to New Spain that did the more distant peril at 
Darien. The viceroy alone held out against any diversion of 
the naval forces then being made ready for action against the 
Scotch. Hie did not believe that there was any immediate danger 
from the French. Their action at Pensacola showed that they 
were unwilling to do anything to disturb the recently concluded 
peace. While the squadron under Chasteaumorant had doubt- 
less been sent to establish a colony at Pensacola Bay, it probably 
returned to France upon finding the bay preempted by the 
forces of Spain, for, according to the reports of the various 
maritime expeditions, no other portion of the Gulf coast offered 
sufficient inducements for settlement. On the other hand, the 
persistence of a Scotch colony at Darien, the viceroy argued, 
would result in incalculable injury to all of the Indies. The 
aggressive foreigners would soon spread their heretical doctrines 
among the natives; they would seize Porto Bello and Panama, 
pass to the South Sea, and eventually endanger the Philippine 
galleons and the southern fleet. With the aid of the English in 
Jamaica, they would be able to conquer all of Spain's colonies 
in the new world. There could be no question, the viceroy 
thought, as to the paramount importance of the Darien expe- 
dition over that proposed against the French.^" 

The viceroy was at first unable, however, to win over his sub- 
ordinate officials to his own way of thinking. Arriola was tireless 
in his efforts to demonstrate the seriousness of the French in- 
trusion. Zavala strongly favored prompt action against the 
French, and reminded the viceroy that the sole purpose of his 
voyage to New Spain had been to prevent them from securing a 
foothold on the Gulf coast. The king's cedula of April 19, 1698, 
was pointed to as irrefutable evidence of the desire of the home 
government that no chances be taken in the matter. Finding him- 
self so completely in the minority, the viceroy finally allowed 
his own opinion to be overruled, and it was resolved that the 



"The viceroy's arguments are given in a letter to Zavala, dated 
March 28, 1699, enclosed with a letter of the viceroy to the king, Sept. 
24, 1699 (Mexico, 61-6-33). 



1.3— S. 



194 University of Texas Bulletin 

Darien expedition should be postponed until the Gulf was cleared 
of the French invaders. 

Later developments, however, were to cause a speedy re- 
versal of this decision. New reports from Panama indicated 
that, while the original estimates of the number of the Scotch 
had been greatly exaggerated, some nine hundred of that nation 
were actually settled at Darien. Appeals for aid continued to 
be made from Cartagena. In view of the smaller number of 
the enemy, the viceroy decided not to delay the return of the 
fleet to Spain, as he had intended to do; but this action meant 
that all other available naval forces would be in still greater 
demand. As time went by, the viceroy became more and more 
confirmed in his opinion that no overt act of hostility was to 
be apprehended from the French. The governor of Petit Gouave 
had manifested his desire to observe the terms of the treaty of 
Ryswick, and had offered to assist in exterminating the pirates 
of the Caribbean. The viceroy's influence finally told, and at a 
junta general held on April 18 it was resolved to proceed first 
with the expedition against the Scotch. Zavala was therefore 
given instructions to sail for Havana, and thence for Cartagena, 
where he was to join and command the naval forces that were 
being mobilized." After the expulsion of the Scotch, he was 
to return to Vera Cruz, and await further orders. Zavala's de- 
parture was to be delayed by a series of misfortunes until well 
into mid.summer. By the time he reached Havana, early in 
August, news of the voluntary retirement of the Scotch had been 
received. Instead of returning to Vera Cruz, however, he con- 
tinued his voyage to Spain, ^- and thus had no further connection 
with Pensacola or the later operations against the French.^' 



"^This action was strictly in accord with the wishes of the king, as 
it later transpired; for in cedulas of March 18 and May 13, 1699, Zavala 
was ordered to suspend operations at Pensacola. no matter at what 
stage they might be, and proceed with his fleet to Cartagena to aid in 
the expulsion of the Scotch (Mexico, 61-6-22). 

"Zavala was severely censured for his disobedience of the viceroy's 
orders, and was eventually arrested after his arrival in Spain (Re- 
spuesta fiscal, Madrid, Feb. 8, 1700; Mexico. 61-6-22). 

"The above account of the Darien episode is based upon the follow- 
ing documents: The viceroy to the king, July 14, 1699, 10 pp. (Mexico, 
61-6-22); instructions of the viceroy to Zavala, July 26, 1699, 7 pp.; 
Zavala to the king, July 28, 1699, 9 pp.; the viceroy to the king, Sept. 
24, 1699, 6 pp.; Zavala to the king, Jan. 11, 1700, with respuesta fiscal of 



Spauish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 203 

The Darien affair effectually destroyed any chances that 
Arriola might have had for obtaining prompt relief for the two 
hundred and sixty men he had left at Pensacola, or for securing 
naval forces with which to expel the French from the Gulf region. 
Immediately after his return to Mexico, he had been asked to sub- 
mit a report setting forth the needs of the presidio.^* He stated 
that he had left provisions enough to last only until the end of 
May, and that supplies of all kinds were sorely needed. He drew 
up a list of the most urgent necessities for a period of four months 
and asked that they be sent as soon as possible. On account of 
the laborious nature of the work in which the soldiers were com- 
pelled to engage, he requested one hundred additional men to 
supply the places of those who had died or were unfit for ser- 
vice.^^ By decree of March 28 the viceroy had ordered Arriola 's 
recommendations to be carried out, adopting the fiscal 's sugges- 
tion that the new men could be conscripted from the gambling 
houses and jails.^" Several months were to pass, however, before 
these orders were executed. The preparations for the Darien ex- 
pedition absorbed the attention of the officials, and not until May 
was definite action taken in regard to the larger problems con- 
nected with Pensacola.^' A junta general of the 18th of that 



"Decree of the viceroy, March 14, 1699, in Testimonio de Autos 
ejecutados, 297. 

"Ynforme de Arriola, March 14, 1699, ibid., 297-300. 

'"Respiiesta fiscal, March 28, 1699, iUd., 301-304; decree of the vice- 
roy, March 28, 1699, ibid., 304. 

"In the meantime, Arriola's stay was enlivened by a controversy 
with Sigiienza. As a result of the unfavorable reports which Arriola 
had spread concerning Pensacola Bay, the old professor accused him 
of neglect of duty, and of general misrepresentation of conditions at 
the new post. On April 6 Arriola addressed a letter to the -viceroy, 
complaining of Sigiienza's accusations, and asking that the matter be 
settled for once and all by a joint expedition to be made by himself 
and Sigiienza. He offered to pay all expenses of the voyage, so that his 
reputation for veracity might be vindicated (ibid., 323-326). The fiscal 
thought Arriola's proposition a fair one, and thought that Sigiienza 
should be ordered to accompany Arriola on the voyage. (Respuesta 
fiscal, April 8, 1699, ibid., 327-328). Sigiienza was in failing health, 
however, and asked to be excvised from the mission. The old scholar 
died in the following year (August 22, 1700 — Cabo's Tres Siglos, ii, 
p. 93). 

Feb. 8, 1700, 5 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). A good general account of the 
Scotch Darien colony may be found in Dr. C. L. G. Anderson's Old 
Panama and Castilla del Oro, 471-500 (Washington, 1911). 



196 University of Texas Bnlletin 

month was devoted to a consideration of the Pensacola question. 
In spite of the adverse reports of Arriola, Franck, and most 
of the officers of the garrison, it was decided that the only pos- 
sible course to follow would be to hold the bay until the king 
should give orders for its abandonment. Arriola was continued 
in chief command of the presidio, much to his disappointment. In 
order to clear up any doubts in regard to the French, he was 
ordered to undertake another extensive exploration of the whole 
Gnlf region as soon as he should return to his post.^^ 

Three days later Arriola made a final effort to secure the 
adoption of effective measures by the viceregal government. In 
a letter to the viceroy he signified his willingness to sacrifice him- 
self in the service of the king, and return to his post, even if he 
had to embark in a launch. He wished to remind the viceroy, 
however, that his original purpose in making the voyage to 
Mexico had been, first, to secure naval forces with which to pre- 
vent the French from establishing a settlement ; second, to report 
the utter unfitness of Santa Maria de Galve; and, third, to set 
forth the impossibility of fortifying the bay on account of the 
great width of its channel. He could not promise to keep a 
hostile fleet from entering the bay unless he were given a number 
of war vessels. He did not wish his reputation to be endangered 
by misfortunes for which he could in no wise be to blame, and 
asked that all instructions should be given him with the under- 
standing that he would be held responsible only for the defence 
of the presidio itself. He again suggested the blocking of the 
channel so that large ships could not enter>the harbor.^® 

Arriola 's letter was taken up in another junta general of May 
23, but no change was made in the measures that had been au- 
thorized. All members agreed that it would be impossible at 
that time to furnish naval forces to prevent the French from 
forming a colony, or to defend the entrance to Pensacola Bay. 
The only vessels which would serve such purposes were those of 
Zavala, which were destined for Darien. There was nothing to 
do, therefore, but to hold the bay, maintain the fortifications 



^'Junta general of May 18, 1699, cited in proceedings of junta gen- 
eral of May 23, 1699 {iUd., 334). 

"Arriola to the viceroy, May 21, 1699, iUd., 328-333. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 197 

already constructed, and await the decision of the kins. Arriola 
was to defend himself as best he could, acting upon his own 
discretion in case of threatened attack, just as he had done 
when the fle€t of Chasteaumorant had appeared. If Arriola 's 
personal presence was required at the presidio, the proposed ex- 
ploration should be made by Martinez and Jaime Franck.-" 

Arriola 's efforts to arouse the authorities to the seriousness 
of the French menace had met with failure. New complications 
were already at hand, however, for on May 20 a vessel had 
arrived at Vera Cruz from Pensacola with the surprising report 
that the English had begun a settlement a few leagues to the 
westward of Mobile Bay. In order to understand the origin of 
this report, it will be necessary to consider briefly the course of 
events at Pensacola during Arriola 's absence in New Spain. 

Rumors of English settlement on the Gulf coast. — On Febru- 
ary 8 Martinez sent a pilot and four men to Mobile Bay to learn 
if the French squadron was still there. No ships were seen, but 
evidence was obtained that the French had visited the bay. At 
one place a number of pines had been cut down, and a cross had 
been erected, bearing an inscription that could not be de- 
ciphered.-^ From this time on, the French scare seems to have 
subsided to a considerable degree, but in its stead came the fear 
of a still more formidable enemy, the English. The first anxiety 
at Pensacola on this score was occasioned by dispatches from Gov- 
ernor Torres, which reached the presidio early in February. The 
story related by Torres was as follows: In the summer of 1698 
he had sent one of his officers, Francisco Romo de Uriza, to the 
neighboring colony of St. George (Carolina) with funds to pay 
for certain negro slaves which had been purchased from the 
English for the king's service. While in the governor's resi- 
dence at St. George, Romo observed the presence of several In- 
dians, and asked whence they had come. The governor replied 
that they lived near Espiritu Santo Bay, called Pensacola by the 
Spaniards. He then took a compass, and going to a large map 



=°Junta general, May 23, 1699, ibid., 333-341. 

=' Jordan to the governor of Havana; Feb. 15, 1699; Martinez to Tor- 
res, Feb. 19, 1699; same to the governor of Havana, Feb. 21, 1699 
(Mexico, 61-6-22). 



198 Vniversity of Texas Bulletin 

on the wall, pointed out a certain bay. "This is what yon call 
Pensacola Bay," he said to Romo, "but on the map it is given 
as Espiritu Santo." Romo asserted that all of the region indi- 
cated belonged to the king of Spain. The governor denied this, 
stating that the bay was in the same latitude as St. George, and 
therefore belonged to England. He then told Romo that he had 
read in a gazette that the kings of France and England had made 
a bargain to the effect that the first nation to occupy the bay 
should be allowed to remain in possession of it. The governor 
added that he himself intended to enter the race in the following 
year.^^ 

Absurd as this story may appear, it was given considerable 
credence by the Spaniards in Florida. Martinez became uneasy 
lest an open attack should be made upon his presidio. Further 
information sent by Governor Torres did not lessen the alarm. 
In January an English vessel was wrecked near St. Augustine, 
and a number of survivors were sheltered at the presidio. Think- 
ing that he might be able to learn something more of the English 
designs, Governor Torres sent a squad of soldiers with the Ene- 
lishmen to St. George. The corporal, Luis Rodrigo, reported that 
five vessels were at the English colony, and that a settlement was 
to be made at Apalache. Torres doubted this, however, and 
thought that the English were aiming at Espiritu Santo Bay, 
also called Ascension Bay, and Tampa by the natives. He there- 
fore sent Rodrigo with a small force to reconnoiter this bay. 
No signs of the English were found, and the Indians said that 
none had been seen. While this expedition was in progress, 
however, the lieutenant at Apalache reported that two ships, 
apparently English, had appeared in the harbor, and had re- 
mained for two days. No rumor was too insignificant to receive- 
attention, and the \^hole province of Florida remained in a state 
of unrest.'^ The danger from the French squadron now seems 
to have been forgotten. 



^^Declaration of Romo, Oct. 24, 1698, 3 pp. This declaration was re- 
ceived at Pensacola on Feb. 4 (Martinez to governor of Havana, Feb. 
21, 1699). 

^'Torres to the king, Sept. 16, 1699, enclosing autos and diary of 
Rodrigo's journey to Tampa Bay, 24 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22); Torres to 
the king, Jan. 5, 1699, 4 pp. (ibid.). 



SixtnisJi and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 199 

On April 22 a number of Panzaeola Indians arrived at Santa 
Maria de Galve and reported that some of their people had seen 
six ships in a bay (ensenada) between the Palizada River and 
Mobile, about five days' journey from the presidio. Some of the 
men from the vessels had landed to treat with the natives. They 
wore fur-lined caps, and carried red flags. From the descriptions 
given by the Indians, Martinez at once came to the conclusion 
that the strangers were English, and resolved to send a few men 
in a canoe to investigate the matter. They were to leave the 
canoe at Mobile, and continue their journey on foot until tb'' 
ships were discovered. The party was able to go no further 
than Mobile. The bay was reconnoitered, but no trace of for- 
*eigners was found, save for the cross that had been left by the 
French. This souvenir was secured, and taken back to the 
presidio.-^ 

Conditions at Pensacola were now too critical for Martinez to 
make further efforts to clear up the rumors brought by the 
Indians. The garrison was practically on the verge of starvation. 
In response to an urgent appeal for aid, the governor of Havana 
dispatched a vessel with provisions early in April, but sufficient 
only to last one month. The men Avere reduced to famine rations. 
Many died from lack of nourishing food and proper medical 
attention. Several went stark mad. The clothing of the troops 
had fallen into rags. Their faces had become blackened from sit- 
ting around the pine-knot fires until they bore little resemblance 
to human beings. To make the situation more intolerable, a 
mutiny broke out on the part of Jordan and his men, which was 
quelled only through the intercession of Franck, who arranged a 
Qompromise. Jordan was allowed to maintain a separate com- 
mand. He posted his own sentinels, and kept entirely aloof from 
the rest of the company under Martinez.-^ As the days went by, 
and no relief came from Mexico, the exiles began to fear that 
Arriola s ship had been lost. It was finally decided that the 



"The cross was sent by Martinez to the vicerov. and forwarded by 
the latter to the king. The letters "D F A U P," werp the only ones 
that could be deciphered. 

^Franck gives an interesting account of this mutiny in a letter to 
the governor of Havana, May 15, 1699, 7 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). 



200 University of Texas Bulletin 

vessel which had arrived from Havana should be sent to Vera 
Cruz to report the miserable state of the company, as well as to 
transport the incapacitated men, who had merely become a use- 
less burden. Some eighty of the sick and dying were placed on 
board. Just before the vessel sailed, an incident occurred which 
was regarded as further corroboration of the reports that had 
been received concerning the English settlement. On May 2 two 
English sailors arrived at the presidio in a small boat, claiming 
that they had been shipwrecked off the Florida coast while 
en route from Jamaica to New England. Martinez was convinced 
that they were bound for the new settlement. The men denied 
any knowledge of a town to the M^estward, but admitted that 
there was an English colony called "Santiago" (Jamestown) not 
far from Pensacola. Martinez now drew up a full report in 
regard to the danger from the English, and resolved to send the 
two prisoners to Mexico for further examination. The vessel 
sailed on May 4, and reached Vera Cruz, as has been seen, on 
May 20, the dispatches of Martinez being forwarded immediately 
to the viceroy.^® 

The fiscal, Baltasar de Tobar, rendered his opinion on June 5. 
He had been one of the advocates of immediate offensive meas- 
ures against the French, and at once came to the conclusion that 
the ships told of by the Indians were not English, as Martinez 
believed, but that they undoubtedly belonged to the very squad- 
ron that had visited Pensacola. He asked the viceroy to take 
immediate steps to carry out the king's orders to protect the 
Gulf region from the encroachments of the French.^^ 

The Count of Moctezuma was still skeptical, however, and re- 



''Martlnez to the viceroy, May 4, 1699, 2 pp.; Franck to the gov- 
ernor of Havana, May 15, 1699, 7 pp.; Martinez to same, May 16, 1699, 
4 pp.; same to the Count of Adanero, May 16, 1699, 6 pp.; Francisco 
Lorenz de Rada to the viceroy, May 22, 1699, 2 pp.; Vicente de Oria 
to the viceroy. May 22, 1699, 2 pp. (all in Mexico, 61-6-22). Much ad- 
ditional correspondence concerning conditions at Pensacola is to be 
found in this legajo. 

"Respuesta fiscal, June 5, 1699, in Testimonio del Segundo Quaderno 
de Autos . . . Sobe. la Poblazon y fortificazion de la Bahia de 
Santa Ma. de galue, pp 9-10 (Mexico, 61-6-22). The Englishmen were 
later released. 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 201 

fused to become alarmed. His first action wa.s to call npon Bar- 
tolome Guillen, one of the pilots who had just returned from 
Pensacola, for a statement as to the possibility of a fleet of 
vessels finding: a safe harbor between the Palizada River and 
Mobile Bay. Guillen replied that he knew of no good harbor in 
the region except that of Mobile, although he had heard that 
further west there were certain inlets, formed by a number of 
small islands called the Cayos de San Diego, in which ships 
might find shelter."^ The viceroy was not satisfied with this 
reply, and asked for a more detailed report.-^ Guillen fell se- 
riously ill, however, and Sigiienza was called upon to expre^ss his 
opinion as to the plausibility of the story told by the Indians. 
Sigiienza declared that it was impossible for ships to remain for 
any length of time in the region indicated without being exposed 
to great danger. He characterized the whole report as a typical 
Indian falsehood, and thought that no uneasiness need be felt.^*' 
Sigiienza 's opinion apparently removed any doubts that the 
viceroy may have entertained, and once more the latter refused to 
consent to the adoption of any measures that would interfere 
with the success of the Darien expedition. Hfe believed that the 
exploration which Arriola had already been authorized to make 
would set at rest all rumors concerning French and English set- 
tlements on the Gulf coast. In lengthy dispatches of July 12 
and 14, Moctezuma informed the king of all developments up 
to that time. He declared that he had done his best in the pres- 
ence of the two problems that had confronted him, and believed 
that his decision to postpone action against the French in order 
io dislodge the Scotch from Darien had been justified by the 
existing situation. He recommended the maintenance of the 
presidio at Santa Maria de Galve, in spite of the adverse reports 
that had been made against it. While the new post would not 
benefit the colonies in a positive way, it would obviate great 
evils which would be sure to follow its occupation by the French : 
for, although the bay was uninviting and incapable of being forti- 



^'Guillen to the viceroy, no date, ibid., 15. 
"Decree of the viceroy, June 15, 1699, ibid., 16-17. 
'"Sigiienza to the viceroy, June 16, 1699, ibid., 17-19. 



202 University of Texas Bulletin 

fied, it would furnish the French a good base from which they 
would be able to paralyze the commerce of the Indies.-^^ 

Plans for an offensive expedition against the English, and the 
discovery of the French settlement at Biloxi. — While the author- 
ities of New Spain had been discussing- important questions of 
state, the garrison at San Carlos dc Austria had continued its 
hand-to-mouth existence. The failure of the viceroy to send 
supplies had made it necessary for INIartinez to make another 
appeal to Havana in the latter part of May. A prompt response 
had been given, but the quality and quantity of the provisions 
sent were far from what had been expected.^- The men were 
forced to supplement their meager rations by acorns and roots, 
which only increased the sickness and misery. On August 15 
another cargo of patients was sent to Mexico, in charge of Juaji 
Jordan, whose departure removed a long-standing source of dis- 
sension. At this time were sent letters by Martinez, Franck, and 
Jordan, telling of continued and unmistakable evidence of the 
existence of the English settlement. The repeated declarations 
of the Indians, and the passage of various boats that were un- 
doubtedly bound for the new town confirmed the early reports. 
The site of the settlement, as nearly as could be determined, was 
said to be about twenty leagues west of Pensacola, on the main- 
land opposite the Cayos de San Die-go.^' 

The vessel reached Vera Cruz on September 17. One of the 
first to receive the news it brought was Arriola, who was now 
making active preparations for his return to Pensacola. He lost 
no time in sending in suggestions for the expulsion of the Eng- 
lish, and urged that an expedition be sent against them before 
they had time to strengthen their fortifications. The viceroy 
replied that he would take immediate steps to meet the exigencies 



^^Copia de Capitulo de Carta del Virrey Don Joseph Sarmiento a Su 
Magestad fha en Mexico en 12 de Junio de 1699, 6 pp.; the viceroy to 
the king, July 14, 1699, 10 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). 

^-Testimo de los autos fhds sobre dar su ssa; prouidencia de Basti- 
mentos Para la Nueba Poblacion de Sancta Maria de Galue allias Pen- 
sacola, etc., accompanying letter of Diego Cordoba Laso de la Vega to 
the king, Oct. 10, 1699, 16 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). 

'^Arriola to the king, Oct. 27, 1699, p. 2. Jordan to the king, Nov. 
7, 1699, 3 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 202 

of the situfition."^ By this time the welcome news had been re- 
ceived of the voluntary retirement of the Scotch from Darien, 
and the viceroy's first idea was to utilize the fleet of Zavala, 
which he supposed would be awaitina: instructions at Havana. He 
accordingly dispatched orders to Zavala to make a thorough 
reconnaissance of the Gulf coast, and to exterminate any for- 
eigners he might find.^^ Zavala of course was not in Havana, 
having- already begun his return voyage to Spain, in direct dis- 
obedience to the instructions which he had received from the 
viceroy.^" This unexpected development made it necessary for 
new plans to be devised. In a junta general of October 29, it was 
flecided that Arriola should be ordered to sail at once for Pensa- 
cola, and undertake the expulsion of the English. He was fur- 
nished with a small frigate of twenty-six guns and the vessel 
which had brought the last cargo of patients from the bay. The 
additional one hundred men, who had been promised many 
months before, were now recruited from the slums and prisons 
of New Spain, and constituted Arriola 's chief reliance for the 
campaign which he was to undertake. More inefficient prepara- 
tions for an aggressive expedition against unknown forces could 
hardly be imagined. 

On November 15 Arriola wrote the king that he was making 
final arrangements for his return to Pensacola. He referred to 
the scant forces that had been given him, the deplorable condition 
of the presidio, and the little aid that could be secured there for 
the work before him. He emphasized the utter futility of hold- 
ing Pensacola. The presidio would not prevent foreign nations 
from settling in that region, as was proven by the reports of 
the English settlement. He again suggested the blocking of the 
harbor, and the abandonment of the place. The funds expended 
on the presidio could be used in maintaining a squadron of 
twelve war vessels, which was the only means by which foreign 
nations could be kept out of that region. ^^ A few weeks after 
this letter was written Arriola sailed to share once more the 
privations of his forlorn company. 



^^Arriola to the king, Oct. 27, 1699, p. 2. 

^The viceroy to the king, Sept. 26, 1699, 4 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). 

^"Supra page 194. 

=' Arriola to the king, Nov. 15, 1699, 4 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-22). 



204 University of Texas Bulletin 

Arriola did not complete the arrangements for the expedition 
against the supposed English settlement until the beginning of 
March. He managed to equip a force of one hundred of his 
strongest troops, which left only about forty at the presidio, for 
disease and desertion had greatly reduced their ranks. Both 
Martinez and Franck were detailed to accompany the expedition. 
The fleet of four vessels sailed on March 4, the first destination 
being Mobile Bay. Some leagues west of Mobile a party of In- 
dians was sent ashore. They returned with the report that a short 
distance away there was a fort garrisoned by two hundred men, 
protected by a fleet of several vessels. Not long afterwards a 
small boat was sighted, which flew an English flag.^^ It was 
overtaken, and found to contain ten men. To the surprise of the 
Spaniards, these men proved to be not English, but French, and 
the hoax which the latter had perpetrated was now revealed. The 
Frenchmen were returning to their fort at Biloxi, which had 
been established, they said, in the previous April, immediately 
after the departure of Chasteaumorant. They told Arriola that 
in addition to the fort called Biloxi, they had built another 
post twenty-five leagues up the Palizada, or Mississippi, River; 
and that four hundred leagues still further up the river, they had 
a third fort, which was in direct communication with Canada. 

Arriola now seems to have given up all idea of an attack upon 
the French fort. He released the prisoners, and sent them on 
their way with a mes.sage to their commanding officer, protesting 
against the invasion of Spanish territory during a time of peace, 
and announcing that he would soon follow in person. Biloxi was 
reached on March 23, and the Spaniards were received with great 
courtesy by the commanders of the French vessels. The half- 
starved men were treated to such rare dainties as fresh eggs, 
fresh bread, milk, wine, and brandy, which caused them to reflect 
unfavorably upon their own unappetizing rations. Arriola did 
not permit this hospitality to interfere with his duty. He ad- 
dressed another note to the French commandant, protesting 
against the establishment of the French fort, and warning him 
that refusal to abandon it would be considered as an infraction 



*Franck to the king, June 4, 1700, p. 6 (Mexico, 61-6-22). 



Spanish and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 205 

of the treaties then in force.^" Two days later a courteous reply 
was received from the French officer, who was in command. He 
said that he had occupied that region in order to circumvent the 
English, who were planning to seize it for themselves. He was 
acting under the direct orders of his king, and could take no 
action without authority from France. 

Arriola had perforce to content himself with the protest that 
he had made. An attack upon the fort was out of the question, 
and on the 27th he began his return voyage. Three days later 
a terrific hurricane arose, which caused the loss of all except one 
of the vessels. Most of the passengers were saved, however. After 
five days of untold suffering, the survivors made their way 
back to the French fort, where they were received with extra- 
ordinary kindness, and hospitably entertained until the vessels 
could be summoned from Pensacola to carry them back to the 
presidio. 

Such was the unfortunate outcome of the only offensive ex- 
pedition which Spain attempted to send against the French 
colony of Louisiana. The sole desire of the Spanish garrison 
at Pensacola henceforth was to be allowed to leave the inferno 
to which they had been condemned. The reports sent in by Ar- 
riola, Franck, and others were in complete agreement as to the 
folly of attempting to maintain the presidio, or cope with the 
forces of the French. The viceregal government decided to make 
no changes until the pleasure of the king could be learned. Ar- 
riola was given a furlough of four months, and Martine? placed 
in command during his absence. Supplies were ordered sent to 
the presidio, and the discontented troops were doomed to remain 
at their posts until their fate should be decided by the distant 
authorities in Spain. **^ 

Spanish and French Diplomacy concerning Louisiana. — The 
utter incapacity and helplessness of the viceregal government of 



^"A French draft of this letter is given in Margry, iv, 539-541. The 
date is incorrectly given as March 23, 1701, instead of March 23, 1700. 

*"The foregoing account is based chiefly on the following documents: 
Arriola to the viceroy, June 4, 1700, summarized in "Para despachar una 
carta de Don Franco, Martinez en 14 de Abril de 1702," (Mexico, 61-6- 
22) ; Franck to the king. June 4, 1700, 8 pp. (ibid.). Additional details 
are given in the French sources in Margry, iv, 386 et seq. 



206 University of Texas Bulletin 

New Spain in the presence of the danger which now confronted it 
was merely a faithful reflection of the complete demoralization 
which existed in the mother country, and, indeed, in the rest of 
the Spanish empire. The prematurely decrepit and imbecile 
Charles II was fast nearing the end of his inijlorious reign, and 
a series of unparalleled calamities seemed to attend his last days. 
The suspense was finally ended by his death in November, 1700, 
and the prompt accession of the grandson of Louis XIV to the 
Spanish throne. One of the first problems which demanded the 
attention of the young king, Philip V, was the adjustment of the 
unsettled cpiestions of Pensacola and Louisiana. 

The first step in the diplomatic battle that was to ensue was 
taken by France. On March 23, 1701, Pontchartrain drew up a 
dispatch for the Duke of Harcourt, the French ambassador in 
Madrid, setting forth the general attitude of the French crown 
toward Louisiana. The original purpose of the king of France 
in encouraging the discovery of the Mississippi, Pontchartrain 
stated, was to aid his colonists in Canada, and develop the com- 
merce of that region. The extensive explorations of M. d 'Iber- 
ville had disclosed, however, the designs of the English, who 
were planning to possess themselves of the mines of New Spain. 
The great number of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, New York, 
and Carolina would make it easy for them to spread over the 
interior region, and become ma.sters of the whole continent. 
The king realized the importance of impeding their progress 
if Spain was to be protected in the possession of her rich 
mines; but he wished to do nothing that was not entirely in 
accord with the Mashes of Spain. Pontchartrain therefore asked 
Harcourt to inform the king of Spain and the Council of the 
Indies of the friendly interest of the king of France, and sent 
a map and a memorial by Iberville, which would show the rapid 
progress that had already been made by the English in the di- 
rection of New Spain. *\ Iberville's memorial described in de- 
tail the strength and resources of the English colonies. Their 
settlements extended from 30 to 40 degrees, and contained more 
than 60,000 families. They had already attempted to settle on 



^^Translation of letter of Pontchartrain to the Duke of Harcourt, 
March 23, 1701 (Mexico, 61-6-22, 2 ff). 



■ Spmvisli and Frencli Rivalry in Gulf Region 207 

the Mississippi, and would eventually seize Mexico if Spain 
and France did not join forces to stop them. Spanish de- 
fences on the G'ulf were not strong enough to resist the English, 
and nothing" Avonld be better for the safety of the Spanish do- 
minions than to have the French in possession of the Gulf region 
and Mississippi Valley. Spain should therefore cease her op- 
position to the colonization of Louisiana, and should even be 
willing to allows France to occupy Pensacola Bay, in case it 
should be abandoned, as seemed very probable. *- 

Pontchartrain's dispatch and Iberville's memorial vrere sent 
by the French ambassador to the king of Spain, and on June 
6, 1701 the Junta de Guerra, in obedience to an urgent com- 
mand of the king, took up the consideration of the weighty 
question of Louisiana.*^ With typical courtesy, the Junta first 
recommended that the king of France should be thanked for 
the solicitude he had manifested for the integrity of the do- 
minions of Spain and for the extension of the Catholic faith, 
as well as for his kindness in giving warning of the designs of 
the English. The port of Pensacola had been occupied, the 
Junta observed, because of its strategic advantages, and lest 
some other nation should establish a settlement there. The 
Junta believed that the post should be maintained, even though 
it occasioned heavy expense to the crown, for the question of 
expense was a minor consideration when a place of such great 
importance was concerned. The king of France should there- 
fore be informed that it was the intention of Spain to hold 
Pensacola, and orders should be sent to the officials of New 
Spain, Florida, Havana, and Campeche to aid the presidio at 



'-Traduccion de memoria de Monsr de Iberville tocante al Rio de 
Mississippi en el Golfo Mexicano, 6 ff (Mexico, 61-6-22). The original 
French text is in Margry, iv, 543-550. 

"On Feb. 1, 1701 the junta had been furnished a summary of the 
latest correspondence from New Spain and Pensacola, telling of Ar- 
riola's discovery of the French settlement, of the dissatisfaction of 
the troops at Pensacola, and of the decision of the viceroy not to at- 
tempt any action against the French or make any change at Pensacola 
until further orders were received from Spain (Para despachar dos car- 
tas de Dn Andres de Arriola Sobre Vahia de Pansacola y Poblacion dy 
franceses en aquella Costa, etc. (Mexico, 61-6-33, 6 pp). 



208 University of Texas Bulletin 

all times, so that it might be kept in a proper state of defenct?. 
The cooperation of the French king in furnishing naval forces 
against the English would be welcomed, and with such assist- 
ance the advance of the enemy could be checked. The Junta 
did not believe that the English colonists were so numerous as 
had been reported ; but nevertheless the king should order the 
occupation and fortification of all desirable ports on the Gulf 
coast. 

Since there could be no doubt, according to recent reports 
received from Arriola and other officials, that French subjects 
had settled on the Mississippi River, within the territory of the 
king of Spain, his Most Christian Majesty should be requested 
to order his officers to receive commissions from the Spanish 
croM^n, whereupon the viceroy of New Spain could be instructed 
to aid the new settlements as the legitimate possessions of the 
king of Spain. Nothing could surely be more satisfactory to 
the king of France, for the undisturbed possession by Spain 
of the whole Gulf region could not fail to benefit both nations. 

While the majority of the members of the Junta adopted the 
foregoing recommendations, there was one dissenting vote. 
The Count of Hernan Nunez said that the statements con- 
tained in the French documents submitted to the Junta were en- 
tirely in accord wuth all reports from the viceroy of New Spain 
and the governor of Pensacola, for those officials had constantly 
complained of the lack of men, supplies, ships, and arms, not 
only for the defence of Pensacola, but even for that of the most 
important posts in the colonies. Only the generous support of 
the French king had enabled Spain thus far to withstand the 
great naval power of the English and the Dutch, It was use- 
less, Hernan Niifiez said, to attempt the impo&sible. He was 
therefore of the opinion that all Spanish troops should be with- 
drawn from Pensacola, and that the presidio should be turned 
over to the forces of the French crown as quickly as possible. 
It was highly offensive {repugnante) to him that Spain should 
try to keep the French from developing a region which she 
herself M'ould never be able to utilize. If Spain really wished 
to see the Catholic faith preserved and extended, she should 
accept the offer of the French king, instead of trying to de- 



Spanish and Frcncli Rii'alnj In Gulf Keg ion 209: 

ceivc herself into lielievin^- that liy the mere prnraiilgation of 
royal decrees fleets could be built, Pensacola colonized, and 
other fortifications constructed. The absurdity of such a be- 
lief was shown when it was remembered that after months of 
endeavor the coasts of Spain were practically defenceless, and 
that only two ships from the entire nav.y had been fit to be 
incorporated with the French armada. Seldom, if ever, had 
the dignified Junta listened to words of such uncompromisinj: 
frankness as those which came from the Count of Hernan 
Nunez.** 

The king" was not satisfied with the report made by the Junta. 
He thought it too brief and indefinite. On June 17 he sub- 
mitted a number of questions as to the means by which the 
Junta expected to carry out the measures it had proposed: 
Could the settlements of Pensacola and IMississippi be sup- 
ported and defended by the viceroy of New Spain, or would it 
be necessary to send aid from Spain? What revenues were 
available, and were they sufficient to permit the proposed 
measures to be executed without endangering the whole un- 
dertaking ?*^ 

The Junta made its reply to these questions on June 21. It 
was evidently determined that the king should have no reason 
to complain of the brevity of its report, for the recommenda- 
tions made were most detailed and voluminous. The Junta flat- 
tered itself, from the questions that had been presented, that 
the king had been pleased to adopt its suggestions that Pensa- 
cola should be retained, and that the settlements established by 
the French should pass under Spanish control. When it had 
made these suggestions, it had not overlooked such an impor- 
tant matter as the financial side of the undertaking. It then 
proceeded to enumerate the various sources of revenue in New 
Spain which might be applied to the support of the new estab- 
lishments of Louisiana. They were the medias anatas of the 
encom.iendas, the tax on arms, the bull of the holy crusade, the 
alcahalas, the million of the chai-itable subsidy granted by the 
pope, the profits on quicksilver, and the royal fifths from silver. 



*'Consulta of the .Junta de Guerra, June 6, 1701, 8 pp. (Mexico, 61-6-35). 
^'Consulta of the .Junta de Guerra, June 21, 1701, pp. 1-2. iilnd.). 



210 rnivenity of Texas BuUeiin 

All of these revenues, the Junta eharaeterized as new ones. In 
addition, there were the old and customary taxes in New Spain, 
which were alone sufficient to meet all of the ordinary expenses, 
such as the subsidies of the presidios, salaries, and the main- 
t-cnance of the windward squadron, leaving the first-named rev- 
enues free for extraordinary requirements. The chief cause for 
the constant deficit in New Spain was the diversion of its rev- 
enues into channels foreign to that kingdom. With proper ad- 
ministration, these revenues would .suffice for all needs, leaving a' 
good surplus for other purposes, including the maintenance of 
the new settlements on the Mississippi. In view of these facts, 
the Junta was confident that it would not be necessary for the 
king to send any funds or supplies to aid the new establish- 
ments. The viceroy could merely be ordered to make their wel- 
fare his first care. The abundance of products in New Spain, 
and the ease with which supplies could be transported from Vera 
Cruz to Pensacola and Louisiana would facilitate his task. 

Since Pensacola and the French posts on the INIississippi were 
already fortified, nothing remained to be done in connection with 
them save to issue the suggested orders to the viceroy. In re- 
gard to the new settlements recommended in the memorial of 
Iberville, the viceroy and various governors should be instructed 
to consider the best means of establishing them with all possible 
haste. They should also be required to be especially vigilant in 
counteracting the designs of the English, and should follow Iber- 
ville's suggestions for opposing the advance of that nation. The 
Junta repeated its lielief that the English were not as numerous 
as Iberville imagined. Two prominent priests, Dr. Juan Ferro 
Machado, ecclesiastical visitor of Florida, and Dr. Alonso Le- 
turiondo, cui-ate of St. Augustine, who were then in Madrid, had 
assured the Junta that the English of Carolina were limited to 
a very small number of families, barely sufficient to transact 
the commercial affairs of their colony, and incapable of over- 
running the interior regions, as Iberville feared. In any case, 
their progress could be checked through alliances with the Va- 
rious Indian nations. With the aid of the tribes of Apaches, 
Apalachicola, Texas, Nuevo Leon, and New Mexico, an impen- 
etrable barrier could be erected. jMoreover, since no mines had 



Sponisli (Did Froicli Eivahij i)i Gulf Ecgion 211 

been discovered in those regions, it did not seem probable that the 
English wonld make any great exertions to conqner them. In 
order to strengthen Spanish influence among the natives, the 
JnnJ:a suggested the advisability of entrusting all missionary 
work to the Jesuits, who had accomplished so much in other 
regions. 

By means of the Indian barrier, and the vigilance of the 
windward squadron, strengthened if necessary by the vessels 
of the various fleets, the Junta believed that the coasts of the 
Gulf of Mexico could be amply protected. If the worst came 
to the worst, and an invasion should materialize, the viceroy 
would be justified in making use of any funds whatsoever, even 
^oing to the extent of appropriating the sacred ornaments of 
tlie churches, since their product would go toward the expulsioji 
of heretics. It must be remembered, the Junta said, that the 
primary obligation of the Spanish sovereigns was to keep the 
Catholic faith pure and undefiled in the new world which had 
been granted to them by the pope. The king of France should 
be the first to admit this truth. In conclusion, the Junta reit- 
erated its conviction that under no circumstances should Pensa- 
cola be abandoned, nor any symbol of sovereignty be allowed 
to persist in the Gulf region save that of his Most Catholic 
Majesty. 

The Duke of Jovenazo extended his vote at length, supporting 
the majority report. He thought that Iberville's idea of col- 
onizing the Gulf region was a good one, although it would re- 
quire much time to carry it into effect, just as it would take 
the English a long time to execute their designs. He realized 
that Spain had no surplus population with which to make new 
settlements ; but, in spite of that fact, it was useless to think of 
allowing foreigners to form colonies in the region under con- 
sideration, for the laws of the Indies made it impossible for 
such an idea to be entertained. He, recalled the steps that had 
been taken for the emigration of a number of families from the 
Flemish dominions of the king to the Island of Santo Domingo, 
and suggested that such emigration might be encouraged by of- 
fering exceptional honors and privileges to the first settlers who 
might go. He agreed with the Junta that the French officers 



212 University of Texas Bulletin 

in Louisiana, shonld be required to receive commissions from 
the Spanish crown. He confirmed the truth of the statements 
made in regard to the available revenues of New Spain, but felt 
it his duty to state that in spite of such potential resources all 
of the presidios were complaining of the delay in the furnishing 
of their subsidies and supplies. As far as Pensacola itself was 
concerned, Jovenazo advised that one hundred men and the cor- 
responding quantity of arms and ammunition be sent from 
Spain at once to strengthen the presidio, for it was the most im- 
portant post in the region, and w^ould furnish a base for the 
establishment of the other settlements that were proposed. 

One other affirmative vote was given in detail — that of Martin 
de Soils, formerly fiscal of the Council of the Indies, and now 
a regular councillor of that body and of the Junta de Guerra. 
Soils, as will be remembered, had been one of the strongest sup- 
porters of the Pensacola pro.ject, and he did not fail to refer to 
the part he had taken in the establishment of the presidio of 
San Carlos. He suggested that the governor of Florida be or- 
dered to found a colony near Pensacola, and to open up a safe 
road by which supplies could be forwarded overland from the . 
port of Apalache. In case of necessity, aid could also be ex- 
tended to the presidio at Pensacola by the officials of New 
Mexico, Parral, and N'uevo Leon. That post was too important 
to be abandoned, and, indeed there was no necessity of giving it 
up. Soils then enumerated in great detail every source of reve- 
nue in New Spain available for the support of the new establish- 
ments. The new taxes referred to by the Junta, he said, would 
produce more than a million pesos, leaving for the ordinary ex- 
penses of the kingdom and the subsidized presidios a host of 
other classes of revenue. He characterized as absurd the state- 
ment that the English colonists of "San Jorge or Virginia" 
numbered 60,000 families; for there were not so many as that, 
he said, in the two vast kingdoms of Peru and New Spain, even 
including the various islands of the Caribbean. There were well- 
informed persons from Florida then in IMadrid, who declared 
that the population of St. George did not exceed three hundred 
families; and it was impossible for them to make the conquests 
that had been feared. In order to take no chances, however, 



SpcDiisli and French Kivalnj in Fulf Region ,213 

Soils suggested that the viceroy should be ordered to send emis- 
saries to the Texas Indians, asking them not to permit the English 
to pass through their territory; and that the governors of Florida. 
Havana, and Pensacola be instructed to keep in close communi- 
cation with one another, as well as with the viceroy, so as to bo 
able to cooperate promptly in case of danger. 

The Count of Hernan Nuiiez did not change his vote, in spite 
of the additional arguments of the Junta. He called attention 
to recent reports from the viceroy and the governor of Pensa- 
cola which showed the practical impossibility of maintaining the 
presidio there. If the king of France wished to take over the 
responsibility of defending Pensacola, in addition to the region 
he had already occupied, Hernan Nuiiez saw no objection what- 
ever, Imt thought it Avould be a happy solution of the whole 
matter, since, in his opinion, there could not be the slightest 
divergence in the interests of the two monarchies. He com- 
plained of the vague assertions of the Junta. When most of the 
establishments in America were suffering from a lack of men 
and supplies, it seemed absurd to think of assuming new bur- 
dens. He believed that Iberville had minimized rather than 
exaggerated the number and power of the English, for he had 
seen no one with personal knowledge of the English colonies 
who did not say that Virginia, PennvSylvania, and the whole 
eastern coast were strong, and ready for war. Without the 
aid of the French, he said, Spain vs^ould be unable to hold, 
not only Pensacola, but even the most important ports of the 
whole empire.'"' 

The foregoing lengthy document, together with the Junta's 
report of June 6, and the original French letters, were sent to 
the king, and a French draft of the Junta's recommendations 
was made for transmission to the king of France, to whom it 
was forwarded by Philip V, with a personal letter dated July 
5, 1701. No reply was made by the king to the Junta de Guerra. 



■'"Consulta of the .Junta de Guerra de Indias, June 21, 1701: Repre- 
senta lo que de nueuo se la ofrece con motiuo de lo mandado por V. M. 
en vista de la Consta. ynclusa sre. la dependienzia de las Poblaziones 
de Pansacola, y Rio Misipipi, en que ay votos particulares (Mexico. 
61-6-35, 19 pp.). 



214 University of Texas Bulletin 

On September 3 all papers concernino: Pensacola and the Mis- 
sissippi were ordered sent to Manuel Garcia de Bustamante, 
one of the members of the Council of the Indies. With this ac- 
tion, the whole matter seems to have been dropped for almost 
a year, as far as the Junta de Guerra was concerned.^" 

The occupation of Mobile Bay by the French early in 1702, 
in spite of the uncompromising answer of the Spanish govern- 
ment, caused the Junta to take up the question once more. 
The news of the occupation of Mobile came in a letter from 
Francisco Martinez, written at Pensacola on April 14, 1702. 
Martinez stated that Iberville had arrived at the presidio on 
December 16 with four ships, and had asked to be allowed to 
enter, this re^iuest being granted in view of the close alliance 
between the two crowns. Three days later Iberville sent Mar- 
tinez a letter, announcing that he had orders from the king of 
France to occupy Mobile before the English .should seize it. 
^lartinez begged Iberville to postpone his operations until in- 
structions could be received from the viceroy; but Iberville re- 
plied that he had only tAvo months in which to finish his task, 
and must proceed with it. He said that his royal master s only 
desire was to act for the best interests of both crowns, and that 
there should be no opposition on the part of Spain. *^ 

The Junta de Guerra reported these developments to the king 
on August 1, 1702, and said that it was forced to call attention 
to the fact that the French were extending their settlements in 
the Gulf region, to the notable injury of the king's dominions; 
that they were opening up ports on the Gulf, and p7^eparing 
to penetrate into the heart of New Spain. The Junta had al- 
ready made two reports on the subject of the French encroach- 
ments in the previous year, and it Avould ask the king to note 



"The French text is printed in Margry, iv, pp. 553-568. Philip's let- 
ter to Lonis XIV is ibid., 552-553. The memorial, as it appears in 
Margry, contains nnmernus errors. "Santa Maria de Galve" is invari- 
ably given as "Santa Maria de Galvez," and the "Texas" become the 
"Iccas." (Pp. 558, 561, etc.). 

••^Para despachar una carta de Dn. Franco. Martinez . . . en 14 
de Abril de 1702 (Mexico, 61-6-22, p. 4) ; consulta of the Junta de Guerra, 
Aug. 1, 1702 (Mexico, 61-6-35). Translations of the correspondence be- 
tween Martinez and Iberville are in Margry, iv, pp. 576-580. 



SpaiiisJi and French Kivalnj in Gulf Eegion 215 

them again. Copies of those two documents were therefore en- 
closed, and the Junta wished to reiterate the arguments con- 
tained therein, reminding the king that, until he should make 
some decision in the matter, the Junta would be unable to ap- 
ply the measures that were deemed necessary in order to pre- 
serve the integrity of the royal dominions.*'' 

The young king was by no means pleased with the Junta's 
frank disapproval of his procrastinating policy, and entered 
the following curt note on the margin of the report : 

"This notice is incomplete. Since the papers which the Junta 
says have not arrived are lacking, this representation is pre- 
mature, and it is couched in such ill-advised terms that it has 
displeased me exceedingly, and caused me great surprise that 
ministers of such experience and high rank should have allowed 
it to reach my hands. ^^ 

No further answer was vouchsafed the Junta. The royal 
reprimand evidently reached its mark. The zeal of the Junta 
was curbed, and no further attempt was apparently to be made 
to arouse the king to a sense of the danger from the French 
until several years had passed. Spain tacitly acquiesced in the 
French occui')ation of Louisiana. But the old ministers of 
Charles II, who perpetuated the exclusive policy of Spain, did 
not forget ; and even during the period of the Spanish and 
French alliance there were not wanting warning voices to re- 
mind the king of the insidiou.s designs of the traditional enemy 
of Spain. 



^■'Consiilta of the Junta, Aug. 1, 1702 (Me.xico, 61-6-3.5, 3 pp.; a copy 
is also contained in Mexico, 61-6-22). 
^"Annotation of the king on consulta of Aug., 1702, ibid. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

List of Printed Works Cited 

Anderson, Dr. C. L. G. 

Old Panama and Castilla del Oro. Washington, 1911. 
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. 
History of the North Mexican States and Texas, I. San Francisco, 
1883. 
Bandelier, Adolph F. A. 

77/ e Gilded Man. New York, 1873. 
Barcia, Andres Gonzalez de. 

Ensayo Cronologioo para la Historia General de la Florida. Madrid, 
1723. 
Benavides, Fray Alonso de. 

Meviorial. Translated by Mrs. Edward E. Ayer. Chicago, 1916. 
Bolton, Herbert Eugene. 
Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the Prin- 
cipal Archives of Mexico. Washington, 1913. 
Spanish Exploration in the Southivest. /.T'/?-/7fl6". New York, 191'">. 
"The Location of La Salle's Colopy on the Gulf of Mexico" (Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Review, II, 165-182). 
"The Native Tribes About the East Texas Missions" (Texas State 
Historical Quarterly. XI, 249-276.) 

"The Jumano Indians in Texas." (Texas State Historical Quarterly. 

XV, 66-84). 
"The Spanish Occupation of Texas, 1519-1690." (Southwestern His- 
torical Quarterly. XVI, 1-26.) 
Cave, Andres. 
Los Tres Siglos de Mexico Durante el Gohierno Espailol hasto la 
Entrada del Ejercito Trigarante. III. Mexico, 1836. 
Clark, Robert Carlton. 
"The Beginnings of Texas, 1684-1718" (Bulletin of the University of 
Texas. No. 98, Austin, 1907). 
Daenell, Ernst. 

Die Spanier in Nordamerika. 1.')1S-1S2'i. Miinchen and Berlin, 1911. 
Dunn, William Edward. 

"The Spanish Search for La Salle's Colony on the Bay of Espiritu 
Santo, 1685-1689" (Southioestern Historical Quarterly, XIX, 323- 
369). 
Fernandez Duro, C. 
Don Diego de Peilalosa y su Descubrimiento del Reino de Quivira 
Madrid, 1882. 
Fortier. Alcee. 

History of Louisiana. I. New York, 1904. 
French, Benjamin Franklin. 

Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part I. New York, 1846. 



218 TJniversity of Texas Bulletin 

Garcia, Clenaro (editor). 

Leon's "Historia de Nuevo Leon" (Reprinted in Documentos In- 
cditos 6 Muy Raros para la Historia de Mexico, XXV.) Mexico, 
1909. 
Hamilton, Peter Joseph. 

Colonial Mobile. New Yorlv, 1910. 
Haring, C. H. 

The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the Seventeenth Century. 
New York, 1910. 
Hughes, Anne E. 

"The Beginnings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District" 
{University of California Publications in History, I, No. 3). 
Berkeley, 1914. 
Lowery, Woodbury. 

'A Descriptive List of Maps of the Spanish Possessions within the 
Present Limits of the United States, lo02-1820 (P. Lee Phillips, 
editor). Washington, 1912. 
Margry, Pierre. 

Decouvertes et Etablissements des Franqais dans VOucst et dans de 
Slid de VAmerique Septcntrionale. II, III, IV. Paris, 1879-183S. 
Monette, J. W. 

History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Y alley of the Missis- 
sippi. I. New York, 1848. 
Ogg, Frederic Austin. 

The Opening of the Mississijypi. New York, 1904. 
Parkman, Francis. 

La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. Boston, 1907. 
Portillo, Esteban L. 

Apuntes para la Historia Antigua de Coahuila y Texas. Saltillo, 
1888. 
Shea, John Gilmary. 

The Expedition of Don Diego Dionisio de Pei'ialosa. New York, 1882. 
Winsor, Justin. 

Narrative and Critical History of America. V. Cambridge, 1887. 

List 'Of Manuscripts Cited. 

The following is a list of the principal manuscript sources that have 
been used in the preparation of .this monograph. The greater portion 
of them are here used for the first time, and transcripts of most of 
them have been made for the University of Texas and the Library of 
Congress. The most important documents are designated by their full 
titles. They are classified approximately chronologically under their 
respective archival designations. 



Siyanis'h and French Rivalry in Gulf Eegion 219 

ARCHIVO GENERAL DE INDIAS, SEVILLE. 

Audiencia de Mexico. 

The greater portion of the material has been found in three legajos 
(Mexico, 61-6-20 to 22), which bear the following title: "Espediente 
sobre el reconocimiento y fortiflcacion de la Bahia del Espiritu Santo 
que esta en la costa septentrional del Seno Megicano, 1684-1705." 
Legajo 20 covers the years from 1684 to 1689; Legajo 21, from' 1689 
to 1698; Legajo 22, from 1698 to 1705. 
61-6-20. 

Echagaray Expediente, 1684-1686, 93 pp. Contains material relating 
to the project of Martin de Echagaray down to April 22, 1686. 

Caspar de Palacios to Pedro de Oreytia, Nov. 17, 1685, 8 pp. 

Antonio de Astina to the king, Nov. 18, 1685, 3 pp. 

Andres de Munlbe to the king, Dec. 31, 1685, 2 pp. 

Testimo de los Autos, y diligencias fechas por el gouo. de la Nua. 
espa. sobre el reconocimto. de poblazon de franceses en la Bahia 
del Espiritu Sancto, 1685-1686, 174 pp. (Material relating to the 
La Salle episode from Oct. 27, 1685 to March 28, 1686.) 

Diary of Juan Jordan de Reina: 

Diario y derrotero del Viaxe q higo la fragata nra ssra de la conpon. 
al descubrimto. de la Vaia del Spiritu Santto de orden del sr 
ViRey de la Na Spa. March 16, 1686, 8 pp. (Enc. with letter of 
Munibe to the king, July 9, 1686, 1 p.) 

El Sor Virrey Conde de Paredes: Da quenta de las diligencias 
hechas en orden al reconocimto. de la Bahia del espiritu Santo, 
April 3, 1686, 8 pp. 

Junta de Guerra de Indias: Sobre hauerse introducido franceses en 
la vahia del Espiritu santo, y lo que combendra se execute, para 
su desaloxo, April 8, 1686, 9 pp. 

Junta de Guerra de Inas: Da quenta a V. M. de lo que discurre se 
deue executar para que se cumpla lo resuelto por V. M. en quanto 
a desaloxar los franceses de la Vahia del Espiritu Santo, June 
18, 1686, 5 pp. (Enc. minute of .Junta de Guerra, April 2, 1686, 
6 pp.) 

Conde de Paredes to the king, July 20, 1686. 2 pp. (Enc. autos and 
letters remitted by the Marques de San Miguel de Aguayo. June 13, 
1686; with respuesta fiscal, Madrid, July 3. 1686; total, 12 pp.) 

Junta de Guerra de Ynas: Satisface al Deere to de V. M. con que se 
sirvio remitir copias de dos cartas de Dn Pedro Ronquillo con 
noticias de la America, Aug. 9, 1686, 4 pp. (Enc. letters of Ron- 
quillo to the king, June 10 ancf June 24, 1686; total, 14 pp.) 

Pedro Ronquillo to the king, Oct. 28, 1686, 2 pp. 

Pedro Ronquillo to the king, Dec. 9, 1686, 3 pp. 



220 University of Texas Bulletin 

Delgado Expediente, 1686, 110 pp. (Containing autos concerning 
Marcos Delgado's exploration in searcli of Espiritu Santo Bay.) 

Copia de relacion heclia al Rei Xpmo tocante a la vahia del Spiritu 
ssto. que remitio el Sor Dn Pedro Ronquillo Embaxor. de su Mgd 
en Inglaterra al Conde de la Monclova en carta fha en Londres a 
7 de febro de 1687, 7 pp. 

Oficiales reales of Florida to the king, Feb. 20, 1687, 3 pp. 

Junta de Guerra de Ynas: Pone en las Rs manos de V. M. la carta 
en que el Virrey de la Na Hespa, da quenta de lo que ha executado 
a fin del descubrimiento de la Vahia del Espiritu sto, con los mapas 
que embia, y vna carta qe V. M. remitio de Dn Pedro Ronquillo; 
April 16, 1687, total of 43 pp. (Enc. Ronquillo to the king, July 
8, Aug. 19, 1686, and Jan. 20, 1687; minute of Council of the In- 
dies, Sept. 16, 1686; declaration of Caspar de Palacios, Sept. 6, 
1686; and the viceroy to the king, Dec. 30, 1686.) 

Pedro de Aranda y Avellaneda to the king, June 22, 1687, 15 pp. 

The viceroy to the king, July 25, 1687, 5 pp. 

El Virrey Cde de la Monclova da- qta a V. M. de lo que resulto del 
viage q hizo Dn. Andres de Pez calificando ser el Ings. vn embustero, 
y embia el Mapa y diario de dho Viage y los Autos sre castigr. a 
este y otro mulato esclauo de la Florida, 1687, 13 pp. 

El Virrey Conde de la Monclova da qta a V. M. de hauer embiado al 
Capn. Dn. Andres de Pez en un Patache de la Armada a repetir 
el reconozimiento del Seno Mexno por una declarazion q hiQo un 
Ingles diciendo hauer estado en la Poblacion que franzeses tenian 
en la Costa la tierra adentro 40 leguas de q embia testimonio, 1687, 
34 pp. 

The viceroy to the king, March 20, 1688, reporting departure of 
Rivas and Pez in search of French settlement described by Ralph 
Wilkinson, 4 pp. 

The viceroy to Martin de Rivas, July 19, 1688, 2 pp. 

Martin de Rivas and Andres de Pez to the viceroy, July 24, 1688, 

3 pp. 

The viceroy to Martin de Rivas, July 28, 1688, 2 pp. 

Diario del Viage que se va a ejecutar con el favor de Dios a la costa 
de Barlovento de horden del Exmo Sor Conde de la Monclova 
Virrey Governador y Capitan Gral de esta nueva Espana con las 
dos Galeotas a efectos del real Servio. de S. M. siendo cavo de ellas 
el Capri, de mar y guerra Martin de Rivas, 1688, 11 pp. 

The Conde de la Monclova to the king, Feb. 10, 1689, reporting dis- 
covery of Frenchman in interior of Nueva Galicia, and report of 
French settlement on a large river 100 leagues distant. 8 pp. 

Relacion de servicios del Capitan D. Andres de Pez, April 28, 1689, 

4 pp. 

The viceroy to the king, June 14, 1689, 3 pp. 

Auttos y Diligencias q se an Executado pr. el Capn. Alonso de leon 



Spanisli and Fvencli Rivalry in Gulf Region 221 

gouor de la proua de Coaguila en la na Spa sobre el descubrimto 
de Vna poblazon de franzeses q se dijo hauia en el Seno Mexicano 
Y de la aprehenzion de tres dellos y lo obrado sobre todo, 70 pp. 
(Material from June 21, 1688 to June 17, 1689.) 
61-6-21. 

The viceroy to the Marques de los Velez, June 29, 1689, 4 pp. 

Testimo, de autos de las dilixs. para la Segda. entrada qe se ha de 
Executar a la Prouincia de los Texas y Recorrer los Paraxes im- 
mediatos a la Vahia del Spiritu sto. 67 pp. (Contains material 
from July 4 to Nov. 19, 1689.) 

Voto del Sr. Granxa, 1690, 8 pp. 

Testimonio de autos en orden a las dilixs y resulta de ellas pa la 
entrada pr Tierra a los Paraxes de la Vahya del Spiritu sto. 101 
pp. (From March 26 to Nov. 28. 1690.) Remitted to the king 
with letter of the viceroy, Dec. 28, 1690, 6 pp. 

Dn Domingo Teran Dice q tiene representado lo que ha servido en 
la Provincia de Sinaloa y Sonora y que nuebamte le lia encargado 
el Virrey de la Na Hespa la exploracion del Reyno de los Texas, 
Jan. 30, 1691, 26 pp. 

Junta de Guerra de Indias: Representa a V. Mgd lo que st- le ofrece 
en vista del papl. que Escriuio Dn Andres de Pez sre fortificar la 
Vahia de Pansacola, Mch. 22, 1691, 15 pp. 

Junta de Guerra de Inas: Dice a V. M. lo que se le ofrece y ha 
discurrido sobre la forma de dar cumplimiento a la resolucion que 
se siruio tomar V. M. en la consulta que buelve a las Rs manos 
cerca de fortificar la Vahia de Panzacola, Sept. 27, 1691, -5 pp. 

Testimo. de las Dilixs. executadas para quitar las Boyas, 6 Valisas 
en el Lago de Sn. Bernardo que llaman Vahia del Spiritu Sto. 
1691, 35 pp. 

Real cedula ordering exploration of Pensacola Bay, June 26, 1692, 
3 pp. 

EI Virrey de la Nueva Espaiia: Da quenta a V Magd de lo acaesido 
en la ultima entrada a la Provincia de los Texas, asiento en ella 
de las misiones, y paso de la gente a la de los Cadodachos, y aber 
reconocido esta nacion mui amigable y politica, y apreendidose on 
el viaje dos francesillos. July 26, 1692, 3 pp. With respuesta 
fiscal, Madrid, June 8, 1693, 4 pp.) 

Domingo Teran de los RIos to the king, Aug. 23, 1692, 4 pp. 

Testimonio de las Dilixencias executadas en Virtud de Rl Zedula de 
S Mgd. Sobre El reconocimiento de la Bahia de Santa Maria de 
Galue (antes Panzacola). Y las Disposiciones para su abrigo y 
defensa. 1692-1693, 70 pp. 

Horden y Instrucion q a de executar Don Laureano de Torres y 
Ayala, Jan. 12, 1693, 8 pp. 

The viceroy to the king. May 12, 1693, 5 pp. 

El Virrey de la Nueva Espaiia Responde a los reparos y objebsiones 



222 TJniversiaij of Texas Bulletin 

que hizo la Junta de Guerra de Indias sobre el memorial que dio 
a V. M. el Almirante Dn Andres de Fez. May 15, 1693. 9 pp. 

El ViRey de la Na Spana Da qta a V. M. del reconocimiento echo por 
mar del Puerto y Bahia de Panzacola oi nombrado Santa Maria de 
Galve, y del que ha dispuesto se haga por tierra en cumplimiento 
de la real orden de Vra Magd de 26 de Junio de 1692. June 9, 
1693. 8 pp. 

Para despachar una carta del Virrey Conde de Galve en 12 de Junio 
de 1693 sre la Vahia de Pansacola, con noticia de lo que ha pasado 
desde el afio de 1684 q se tuvo noticia de ella. 12 pp. 

The viceroy to Juan de la Rea, June 12, 1693, 6 pp. 

Laureano de Torres y Ayala to the king, Aug. 5, 1693, 7 pp. 

The viceroy to the king. May 12, 1694, 5 pp. (Enc. autos of Torres 
expedition of 1693.) 

Real cedula: Al Virrey de la Na. Spa. que en vista de lo que ha 
escripto y ordenes que le estan dadas fortifique luego la vahia 
nda. Sta. Maria de Galbe. June 13, 1694. 3 pp. 

Para despachar una carta del Virrey Conde de Galve de 10 de Dice. 
1695, 2 pp. (With minute of Junta de Guerra, Dec. 13, 1696, 2 pp.) 

Consulta of the Council of the Indies, April 22, 1698, transmitting 
documents showing preparations made for departure of Zavala's 
fleet, and urging necessity for guarding against French encroach- 
ments on the Gulf of Mexico. 6 pp. 

Diego de Peredo to Enrique Enriquez de Guzman, Nov. 14, 1698, 2 pp. 
61-6-22. 

Testimonio de Autos ejecutados en Virtud de Rl Cedula de Su Magd 
Sobre la fortificazon. y Poblazon. de la Bahia de Sta Ma de Galue 
y Panzacola, y representasiones hechas pr Dn. Marn. de aranguren 
zabala q con horden de Su Magd Vino a la misma preocupazon. 
1698. 343 pp. 

El Virrey de Nueva Espaiia Da quenta a V. M. del puntual cumpli- 
miento a la Rl Cedula de 19 de Abril de este aiio en que se manda 
preocupar, y fortificar la Bahia de santa Maria de Galue hauiendo 
aplicado a este fin todas las prouidencias nezessarias en el corto 
tiempo que constara de los Autos que remitira en ocasion mas 
segura. Sept. 18, 1698, 4 pp. (With minute of Junta de Guerra, 
April 6. 1699, 2 pp.) 

El Mo. de Campo Dn Andres de Arriola da quenta a V. M. de hauer 
preocupado la Bahia de Sta Ma. de Galue y quedarla fortificando. 
Dec. 1, 1698, 5 pp. 

El Gouor de la florida da qta a V. M. de estar preocupada por los 
Vasallos de V. M. la bahia de Sta. Maria de Galve Con auttos de 
las dilixas. que por su parte hizo. Jan. 5, 1699, 31 pp. 

Jaime Franck to Martin de Sierralta, Feb. 18, 1699, 8 pp. 

Jaime Franck to the king, Feb. 19, 1699. 9 pp. 

Francisco Martinez to the governor of Havana, Feb. 21, 1699, 5 pp. 



SpcDiish, and FrencJi Rivalry in. Gulf licfjion 223. 

Real cedilla: Al General Dn Martin de Zauala preuiniendole lo que 
ha de executar para desaloxar a Escozeses del Territorio que 
hubieren ocupado en la America. March 18, 1699. 3 pp. 
El Gouor de la Florida da quia, a V. M. de aber estado Zinco nabios 
de t'rancia sobre la Baya de ssta Maria de galue con tres testimonies 
de cartas. Mch. 19, 1699. 14 pp. 
Testimonio del Segundo Quaderno de Autos thos En Virtud de Rl. 
Cedula de Su Magd. Sobe. la Poblazion y fortificazion do la Bahia 
de Santa Ma. de Galve y de las Prouidencias dadas pa. este fin. 20 
pp. (From April 18 to June 16, 1699.) 
Carta del Gobernador Don Diego de Cordoba Laso de la Vega a 
S. M. fha en la Habana a 4 Abril 1699. 16 pp. (Enc. correspond- 
ence with Arriola, Martinez, and .Jordan concerning aid for Pen- 
sacola.) 
El Mro de Campo Dn. Andres de Arriola: Da quenta a V. M. de lo 
sucedido en la Bahia de Santa Maria de Galve hasta su Vuelta a 
la, Vera Cruz y remite con esta el Mapa y diseuo de la Bahia. 
May 9, 1699. 9 pp. (Enc. correspondence with Chasteaumorant, 
2 pp.) 
Francisco Martinez to the king, May 16. 1699, 6 pp. 
Copia de Capitulo de Carta del Virrey Don Joseph Sarmiento a Su 

Magestad fha en Mexico en 12 de Julio de 1699. 6 pp. 
El Virrey: Da Quenta con dos quadernos de autos, de quedar 
preocupada poblada y fortiflcada la Bahia de Sta. Maria de Galve, 
hauiendolo conseguido con tanta felizd. que aunq despues llego 
Vna esquadra de francia a cargo del Marqs. de Chater Morant su 
Gral.^ con el mismo fin se boluio sin hazer hostilidad. July 14, 
1699. 10 pp. (With respuesta fiscal, Madrid, Feb. 24, 1700, 18 pp.) 
Laureano de Torres y Ayala to the king, Sept. 16, 1699, 24 pp. (En- 
closing autos concerning exploration of Bspiritu Santo or Ascen- 
sion Bay.) 
The viceroy to the king, Sept. 26, 1699, 4 pp. 
Diego de Cordoba Laso de la Vega to the king, Oct. 10, 1699, 16 pp. 

(Enc. autos and correspondence concerning aid for Pensacola.) 
Andres de Arriola to the king, Oct. 27, 1699, 2 pp. 
Juan Jordan de Reina to the king, Nov. 7, 1699, 3 pp. 
Andres de Arriola to the king, Nov. 15, 1699, 4 pp. 
Jaime Franck to the king, June 4, 1700, 7 pp. 

Traduccion de carta de M. de Pontchartrain para el Duque de 
Arcourt, Versailles a 23 de Marzo de 1701, con vna memoria y 
mapa tocante al descubrimto. del Rio de Missisipi. 2 ff. MS. 
Traduccion de memoria de Monsr de Yberville tocante al Rio de 

Missisipi en el Golfo Mexicano. 6 ff. MS. 
Junta de Guerra de Indias: Pone en noticia de V. M. las que se an 
reciuido de la orden que ha dado su Mgd Xptianislma para que 
preocupen sus Armas la Vahia de la Mouila. Aug. 1, 1702. 2 pp. 



224 University of Texas Bidletm 

(Bnc. summary of letter of Francisco Martinez to the king, April 

14, 1702, 5 pp.) 
There is a great deal of additional material in this legajo relating to 

local affairs at Pensacola, which it is impossible to cite in detail. 
61-6-33: Expediente sobre la salida de los navios de Don Martin de 

Zavala que fueron a fortificar la Bahia de Santa Maria de Galve, y 

exterminio de Escoceces en el Darien. 1698 a 1700. 
Real cedula: Al Genl Dn. Martin de Zauala ordenandole lo que ha 

de ejecutar en la operacion de Panzacola caso de no encontrar los 

Galeones en la hauana. April 24, 1698. 4 pp. 
Real cedula: Al Genl Dn Marn de Zauala participandole las noticias 

que nuevamte. se an tenido de la fortificacion de Escozeses en la 

Isla de Ore; y de pasar franzeses a la Vahia del Esplritu Sto. y 

prouidencias que se an tomado para precautelar vno y otro riesgo. 

May 13, 1699. 3 pp. 
El Virrey de Na. Esparia Da quenta a V. M. con Autos de las 

prouidencias que aplico pa. que los Nauios del gl. Don Mrn de 

Zauala pasassen al exterminio de escozesses, por las noticias 

repetidas que tubo de hauerse empezado a poblar y fortificar en la 

Ysla del Oro de el Darien. July 14, 1699. 16 pp. (With respuesta 

fiscal, Madrid, Feb. 8, 1700, 5 pp.) 
El Genl Dn. Martin de Zauala. Expresa difusamte. diferentes 

Ordenes que ha tenido del Virrey de Na. Spana y lo qe le represento. 

sobre su salida del Puerto de la Vera Cruz para ir a la faccion del 

Dariel (sic). .July 28, 1699 9 pp. 
El Virrey Dn. .Joseph Sarmiento Auisa el reciuo de la Copia de 

despacho que se dirigio al Genl. Dn. Martin de Zauala para q sin 

instante de dilacion fuese a Cartexna. con los nauios de su cargo. 

Sept. 24, 1699. 6 pp. (Enc. correspondence with Zavala, 1-5 pp.) 
Martin Aranguren de Zavala to the king, Jan. 11, 1700, 5 pp. 
61-6-35: Espediente sobre entrada y poblacion de Francesses en el 

Seno Mexicano y Santa Maria de Galve y otros, 1701-1719. 
Para despachar dos cartas de Dn. Andres de Arriola sobre el 

reconocimto hecho de las Poblaciones de franceses en el Seno 

Mexicano, y las q despues se han recivido del Virrey y de Arriola. 

Feb. to June, 1701. 6 pp. 
La Junta de Guerra de Yndias Dize lo que se le ofrece en Vista del 

papel, y memoria presentados por el embiado exrio. de franzia sre. 

la dependencia de las Poblaciones de Pansacola, y rio Misipipi en 

que ay voto particular. June 6, 1701. 7 pp. 
La Junta de Guerra de Yndias Representa lo que de nueuo Sf^ la ofrece 

con motiuo de lo mandado por V. M. en vista de la Consta. ynclusa 

sre la dependienzia de las Poblaziones de Pansacola, y Rio Misipipi, 

en que ay votos particulares. June 21. 1701. 19 pp. (Copy in 

Mexico, 61-6-22.) 



Spanish aud Frencli Rivnlrij in, Gulf Region 225 

^Audicncia de Guadalajara 
66-6-6: 

Real cedilla confiscating goods of French subjects in America. Dec. 
13, 16S3. MS. 
67-1-2S: 

Alonso de Leon to the Bishop of Guadalajara, May 12, 16S9. 6 pp. 
6'7-3-2: 

Memorial of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, 1686. 12 pp. 
ei-'flS: 

Auto de fundacion de la Villa de 'Santiago de Monclova, Aug. 12, 
1689, 4 pp. 

Autos fhos por el Sor. Gour. y Capn Genl de la Nueua Viscaya Dn 
Juo. Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de francos sobre las noticias q 
dieron los Yndios del Rio del Norte de qe subian Por el Naciones 
estrangeras y prouidencias qe dio sobre ello. (With letter of 
Pardiuas, April 1, 1693.) 46 pp. 

Testimonio 4e Auttos sobre las Prouidencias Dadas Por El Exmo 
Sefior Conde de Galue Virrey de esta nueua Espana pra los 
Socorros y Permanencia de los Religiosos Misioneros en la Proua 
de los Texas hasta su rettirada y razones Porque se executto. 
(With letter of the viceroy, .Jan. 17, 1694.) 86 pp. 

Testimonio: Prosiguen los Autos de la Retirada de los Religiosos 
Misioneros y soldados de la Prouincia de los Texas. Como se 
executto y sus Causas. Y Prouidencias sobre ello Dadas Por El 
exmo. Sr. Virrey Conde de Galue Con Respuesta del Sefior fiscal 
y Resolucion de Juntta de Hacienda. (With letter of the viceroy, 
June 17, 1694. 17 pp. 

Indiferente General 
1 ',0-2-8 (Registroa) : 
Real cedula: Al Virrey Conde de la Monclova sobre desaloxar los 
franceses de la Vahia del Espiritu sto. y lo demas q se expresa. 
June 25, 1686. 5 pp. 
l',l-S-l: 

Consejo de Indias k 18 de Noure. de 1678: Satisface a vn decreto 
de V. Mgd. sobre las noticias que ay de hallarse en Paris Dn. 
Diego de Penalosa con fin de mouer el animo del Rey Chris- 
tianissimo a la conquista y descubrimiento de las Prouincias de 
Quivira y Tagago; y Representa lo que en la materia se le ofroce. 
6 pp. 
l',l-3-3: 

Consultas of the Council of the Indies, May 8, May 20, and May 29, 
1681. MS. 
l',l-3->,: 
Consulta of the Council of the Indies, Feb. 20, 1683. MS. 



226 Vniversitii of Texcif; Bulletin 

li,1-rj-28: 

Conso. de Ynas. a 9 de Agto de 1684: Con vista del orden de V. 
Mgd. y carta que vino con ella de D. Pedro Ronquillo, sobre la 
insignuacion que le higo el Rey de Inglaterra de temer alguna 
ynterpresa de francesses en las Ynas. Representa a V. Mgd. lo qut> 
se le ofrece. 4 pp. 

.Junta de Guerra de Indias a 9 de Agosto de 1684: Representa a V. 
Mgd. lo que se le ofrece con vista de la orden de V. Magd. y carta 
de D. Pedro Ronquillo que se sirvio remitir al Consso. sobre la 
ynsignuacion que le higo el Rey de Inglaterra de temer alguna 
ynterpresa de franceses en las Indias. 3 pp. 
l'il-r>-29: 

.Junta de Grra de Inas. a 2 de Abril 1694: Da quenta a V. Mgd. de 
las diligencias y aberiguaziones hechas sre la Vahia de Panzacola 
en cumpliniiento de lo mandado por V. Mgd. y es de parecer qu^^ 
se deve fnrtificar por su situazion y rezelos de que la ocupen 
extrangeros. 9 pp. 

Audiencia de Santo Doviingo. 
r,o-l-].2: 
Respta. del Sr. Fiscal sobre Francesses [en Santo Domingol. .Tune 
28. 1740. 28 pp. 
53-6-6: 

Report on Santo Domingo by Governor Francisco de Segura. April 
1.5. 1679. MS. 
55-6-2: 

Expediente sobre la causa y prision del general de la armada de 
barlovento D. Andres de Pez y el Almirante Dn. Guillermo Molfi. 
1696-1701. MS. 
58-1-26: 

Pablo de Hita Salazar to the king, Sept. 6, 1677. MS. 
Same to same, March 6, 1680. MS. 

ARCHJVO DE SIMANCAS. 

Legajo 25 'f 6: 

Consultas of the Council of State, July 31 and Sept. 23, 1671. MS. 
Legajo 3950: 

Pedro Ronquillo to the king, .July .5. 1683. MS. 
Legajo 3960: 

Consultas of the Council of State, March 20, and Aug. 12, 1686. MS. 
Legajo 3961 : 

Consultas of the Council of State, April 30, May 16, Sept. 22, Oct. 

22, and Dec. 5. 1686. MS. 
Copia de memoria q D. Pedro Ronquillo presento al Rey Britanico 
dandole quenta de lo q. ha pasado en orden al ajustamto. de los 
.500,000 pesos del indulto. June 30, 1686. MS. 



Spanish a)id French Kivalry in Gulf Eegion "121 



ARCHIVO GENERAL Y PUBLICO, MEXICO, D. F. 

Dociimentos para la Historia Eclesiastica y Civil de la Provincia de 

Texas, Vols. XXVII and XXVIII. 
Real cedilla of Dec. 10, 1678 (Reales Cedulas, Vol. 16, ff. 189-190). 
Real cedula of August 2, 1685 (/birf.. Vol. 20, ff. 272-276). 
The chief sources from the Mexican archives, which have been used in 

this study, are now available in printed form, and are therefore not 

cited here separately. 



Spanisli and French Eivalry in Gulf Region 229 



INDEX. 

Achusi Bay, 159. 

Administration, Spanish colonial, 14, 22-29, 150-156, 172, 207-215. 

Agreda, Mother Maria de .Jesus de. See Mother Maria de Jestis. 

Agiiayo, Marques de San Miguel de, governor of Nuevo Leon, 66, 68, 69, 75. 

Agustin, TIaxcaltecan Indian, 86. 

Aixaos, Kingdom of, 15. 

Almirante, river flowing into Pensacola Bay, named, 161; settlement 
on suggested, 164; explored, 182. 

Apache Indians, described by Massanet, 127; suggested as barrier against 
English, 210. 

Apalache, post in Florida, fort built at, 21; burned by French, 21; 
mission at, 43; visited by expeditions, 61, 72, 170; aids Pensacola, 167. 

Apalachicola, 60, 61, 71, 210. 

Archeveque, Jean de, survivor of La Salle's colony, 99, 105, 108, 149. 

Armada de barlovento, 36, 65, 154, 211. 

Arriola, Andres de, sketch of life, 176; receives commission to occupy 
Pensacola Bay, 176; reports necessary measures, 178; instructions for 
occupation, 178; voyage to Pensacola, 180; unfavorable reports of, 
181; correspondence with Cliasteaumorant, 187; returns to Mexico to 
secure aid against French, 191; continued in command of Pensacola, 
196; makes expedition to dislodge "English" from Gulf coast, 202-205; 
discovers French fort at Biloxi, 205; recommends abandonment of 
Pensacola, 205; given furlough, 205. 

Astina, Antonio de, admiral of armada de barlovento, 40. 

Barranca de Santo Tome, site of fort on Pensacola Bay, 160, 162, 181. 

Barreda, Fray Rodrigo de la, missionary to Pensacola, 170. 

Barroto, Juan Enriquez, Spanish i>ilot, chosen to search for La Salle's 
colony, 39; voyage from Havana, 59-60; confers with Viceroy Monclova, 
75; accompanies second maritime expedition, 76; on fourth maritime 
expedition, 83; identifies San Bernardo Bay as the "Espiritu Santo" 
of Leon, 108; services on Teran expedition" to Texas, 132, 135, 137; 
report on Pensacola Bay appropriated by Pez, 177. 

Benavides, Fray Alonso de, memorial of unearthed in Spain, 14; copy 
sent to New Spain, 63; interest in legend of Mother Maria de Jesus, 
107. 

Bernardino, nephew of Texas chief, 124. 

Biloxi, French fort of, 190; Spanish expedition against, 204-205. 

Bishop of Guadalajara, reports results of Leon's expedition to Texas, 
1689, 112; asks missionaries for Texas, 112. 

Bonal, Fray Buenaventura, Coahuila missionary, trip to Texas, 87. 

Bonrepaus, French intendant, on mission to England, 49. 
Brigaut, Nicolas, French pirate executed in Florida, 70. 
Buffalo, in Florida, 23; in Texas, 87. 

Cadodacho Indians, described by Massanet, 127; missions planned for, 
130; Teran's expedition to, 136. 



230 Index 

Cabo de Lodo (Mud Cape), discovered and named, 62, visited, 77, 83, 162. 

Cabrera, Juan Marquez, governor of Florida, sends expedition in searcli 
of French, 70-76. 

Caldera, mission in Coahuila, 88, 101, 120. 

Canary Islands, emigration from to Florida, 22, 27. 

Cardenas, Manuel de, military engineer, on expedition to San Bernardo 
Bay, 126. 

Carolina. See Saint George. 

Casa de la Contratacidn (House of Trade), reports on Echagaray project, 
24, 26; ordered to aid Pensacola project, 172. For relations M^ith other 
bodies in Spain, see Administration. 

Cayos de San Diego, keys west of Mobile Bay, alleged site of English 
settlement, 202. 

Cenrra, Pedro P\>rnandez, pilot with Pez-Sigiienza expedition, 160. 

Chasteaumorant, Marquis de, French naval officer with Iberville, 185, 
187, 204. 

Choctaws (Chatas), hostility of reported, 73. 

Cibolas, river in Texas, 93, 94. 

Cibolo, tribe in Texas, 96. 

Coahuila, expeditions from into Texas, 86, 101, 120, 130, 139. 

Colina, Fray Agustin, priest at La Junta missions, 96, 98. 

Colonization, 22,' 27, 113, 128, 164, 167, 179, 195, 189, 211. 

Considado of Seville, opposes Echagaray project, 24; relations with 
other bodies in Spain, 24-25; asked to aid Pensacola project, 168; 
failure to advance funds, 172; sends relief expedition to aid galleons, 
174. 

Corsairs, in "West Indies, 9; attack on Campeche, 36; to be utilized in 
conquest of Santo Domingo, 50; said to have founded town on Miss- 
issippi, 70. 

Council of Indies, attitude toward Pehalosa, 16, 20; discussion of 
Benavides Memorial, 15-16; measures against France proposed by, 17; 
urges navy for Spain, 18; relations with other administrative bodies, 
22-29, 150, 172; measures to defend Pensacola against French, 174. 

Council of State, 13, 56. 

Darien, Isthmus of, Indian hostility on, 43; Scotch colony on, and con- 
nection with the movement to occupy Pejisacola Bay, 191-195, 196, 
201, 202. 

De Cussy, French governor of Tortuga, 50. 

Delgado, Marcos, leader of expedition from Florida in search of La Salle's 
colony, entrada of, 71-74. 

D'Estrees, Count, French naval officer, voyages to America feared, 17. 

Diplomacy, of Spain in England to guard against French encroach- 
ments, 48-58; of Spain and France concerning Louisiana, 206-215. 

Domlnguez de Mendoza, Juan, offers to seek La Salle's colony, 67. 

Echagaray, Martin de, sketch of life of, 20; plan for colonization of 



Spanisk (Did Frcncli Rivalry in Gulf Rcyion 231 

Florida and exploration of Gulf coast, 20-23; discussion of, 24-29; plan 
accepted by king, 29; gives advice concerning French encroachments; 
fails to carry out project, 43, 64, 72. 

English, aggressions of feared by Spain, 49, 71, 150-152, 170, 197-199, 200- 
202, 206, 208, 210, 212; sympathy of for Spain, 56-57; treaty with 
Spain, 1670, 8. 

Enjen, camp of Jean Gery in Texas, 91. 

Espiritu Santo Bay, suggestion for occupation by Benavides, 15; 
Echagaray's proposed exploration of, 22-28; danger of French settle- 
ment on shown, 38; thought to be occupied by La Salle, 41; map 
showing location of, 44; fort authorized built at, 43; Spanish 
diplomacy in England concerning, 48-58; search for by Spaniards, 
39-109; ignorance concerning in Nuevo Leon, 68; English designs on, 
71; search for from Florida, 70-75; identified with Mobile Bay, 78; 

» French town reported near, 82; name applied by Leon to San Bernardo 
■ Bay, 105; confused ideas concerning, 152, 155, 197, 198. 

Expedition cited: La Salle, 31-35; first maritime expedition, 59-63; land 
expeditions from Nuevo Leon, 1686, 1687, 65, 68-70; Delgado expedition 
from Florida, 70-76; second and third maritime expeditions, 1687, 75- 
80; expedition of Leon to capture Jean Gery, 1688, 87; fifth maritime 
expedition, 1688, 92-95; expedition from Nueva Vizcaya, 1688, 95-100;. 
Leon's expedition to Texas, 1689, 101-108; Tonty's expedition to Texas, 
117, 123; Leon's expedition to Texas, 1690, 120-125; Llanos- 
Cardenas expedition to San Bernardo Bay, 1690, 126; Teran's ex- 
pedition to Texas, 1691-1692, 130-138; relief expedition to Texas, 
1693, 139-141; Pez-Sigiienza expedition to Pensacola Bay, 1693, 
158-162; expedition of Torres y Ayala to Pensacola Bay, 1693, 
169-170; Zavala expedition from Spain, 1698, 174; Arriola's expe- 
dition to occupy Pensacola Bay, 1698, 180-184; proposed expe- 
dition against Scotch at Darien, 191-195; Arriola's expedition 
against the "English" on Gulf coast, 1700, 204-205. 

Exploration, of Gulf region, 22; from Florida to Mexico proposed, 71; 
Teran's exploration of Texas and Cadodacho, 130, 132. See Expedi- 
tions. 

Fiscal of the Council of Indies, reports by, 24, 26, 28, 150, 151, 167, 179, 
200. 

Fiscal (New Spain), reports by, 84, 111, 114, 116, 118, 126, 128, 141, 144. 

Flemish, town of reported, 89, 91; families of to colonize Santo Domingo, 
211. 

Flores, Rio de las, river in Texas, 77, 79. 

Florida, settlement of, 12; French designs on, 21; plans for develop- 
ment of, 26-27; expedition from in search of French, 70-75; English 
aggressions in, 71, 152, 170, 205-215 passim. 

Fontcuberta, Fray Miguel de, missionary to Texas, 112, 121, 133. 

Franciscans, 14, 112, 170. 

Franck, Jaime, military engineer in Spanish service, sketch of life of, 
169; detailed to Pensacola Bay, 171, 174; accompanies Arriola expedi- 



232 Index 

tion to Pensacola, 1698, 179; builds presidio of San Carlos de Austria, 
181; reports unfavorably concerning Pensacola, 182; quells mutiny at 
Pensacola, 199. 

French, designs of in West Indies, 9, 13, 17, 41, 50; Spanish fears of, 21, 
45, 49, 50, 55, 58, 87, 92, 115, 119, 125, 131, 138, 142, 144, 148, 150, 164, 
165, 173, 180, 185, 191, 192, 193. See La Salle, Espiritu Santo, Iberville, 
Pensacola, Diplomacy, Expeditions. 

Galleons, South American, 25, 26, 174; attacks on Philippine galleons 
feared, 193. 

Galve, Count of, viceroy of New Spain, arrival in Mexico, 95 ; authorizes 
expeditions in search of La Salle, 95; orders expedition made from 
Coahuila to Texas, 1689, 101; interested in conversion of the Texas, 
111; sends Llanos-Cardenas expedition to Texas, 1690, 126; instruc- 
tions to Teran, 1691, 130; accused of neglecting Texas, 138; reports 

■ Teran expedition a success, 138; orders relief expedition sent to 
Texas, 1693, 139; favors occupation of Pensacola Bay, 149; send Pez 
on mission to Spain, 149; death of, 1696, 172. 

Gamarra, Francisco de, naval captain, makes expedition in search of 
La Salle, 1687, 80. 

Garcia de Sierra, BacMller Toribio, priest in Coahuila, on expedition to 
Texas, 1689, 101, 105, 112. 

Garcitas Creek, site of La Salle's Texas colony, 34, 77, 103. 

Gery, Jean (Juan Enrique), Frenchman captured in Texas, 16SS, 85, 
86, 88, 90, 101, 106, 121. 

Graaf, Laurent de ("Lorenzillo"), French filibuster, 187, 188, 190. 

Grammont, French filibuster, 36, 41. 

Granja, Marques de la, member of Junta de Guerra, opposes occupation 
of Pensacola, 152-155. 

Grollet, Jacques, survivor of La Salle's colony in Texas, 105, 108. 

Guadalupe River, in Texas, 102, 105. 113, 121, 124, 128. 

Guarin, Mateo, Spanish privateer, 50. 

Guillen, Bartolome, Spanish pilot at Pensacola, 201. 

Guzman, Sebastian de, factor of New Spain, 166. 

Harcourt, Duke of, French ambassador to Spain, 206. 

Hasinai, Indian confederacy in Texas. 96. 134. 

Hita Salazar, Pablo de, governor of Florida, bliilds fort at Apalache, 
1677, 21; plans for development of Florida, 27. 

Hernan Nunez, Count of, member of Junta de Guerra, favors cession of 
Pensacola and Louisiana to France, 1701, 208, 213. 

Iberville, Le Moyne, arrival at Pensacola, 185; negotiations with 
Spaniards, 186-189; founds Biloxi, 190; writes memoir urging cession 
of Pensacola to France, 1701, 206. 

Indians, of Florida, 73; Nueva Vizcaya and Texas, 95, 96; religion of in 
Texas, 106, 140; customs of Pensacolas, 161; Spanish policy toward, 
73, 98, 113, 114, 116, 130, 141, 153, 159. 

Indiilto, controversy over between Spain and France, 41, 46, 48. 



Spanish and French. Rivalry in Gulf Kegion 233 

Iriarte, Antonio de, naval captain on second maritime expedition, 76. 

Isla de Oro. See Darien. 

Jamaica, conquest by Englisli, S. 

Jesuits, recommended for missions of Louisiana and Pensacola, 211. 

Jesus Maria, Fray Francisco de, missionary in Texas, 134. 

Jordan de Reina, Juan, on first maritime expedition, 60; witli Pez- 
Sigiienza expedition to Pensacola Bay, 1693, 160; river named in 
lionor of, 160; secret instructions given to for occupation of Pensacola 
Bay, 1698, 175; first to arrive at Pensacola, 181; mutiny of, 199, 
transports sick men to New Spain, 202; died, 1700 (MS). 

.Jovenazo, Duke of, member of Junta de Guerra, expresses views on 
Louisiana, 211. 

Jovenazo River, flowing into Pensacola Bay, 161, 182. 

"Juan Enrique". See Gery, Jean. 

Jumanp' Indians, plans for occupation of country of, 67; visits to La 
Junta missions, 95; journeys to Texas country, 96-100; visited. by 
Mother Maria de Jesus, 107; encountered by Teran expedition, 133. 

Junta de Guerra de Indias, history of, 19; gives advice concerning 
French aggressions, 19-20; measures to guard against La Salle, 42; 
considers Pez proposition to occupy Pensacola Bay, 151; opposes occu- 
pation of Pensacola Bay, 171, 172, 173; discusses Louisiana and Pensa- 
cola problems, 207-205. See Administration. 

.Juntas in Mexico, 111, 116, 119, 129, 142, 144, 165. 

Junta de los Rios, missions of, 67, 95, 96, 99. 

Laguna, Marques de, viceroy of New Spain, 36, 42, 65. 

Laguna de Pez, 162, 163 (map). 

Laguna de Terminos, Yucatan, 83, 92. 

La Salle, colony of on Gulf of Mexico, 31-35; camp on Matagorda Bay, 
33 (map); assassination of, 34, 105; Spanish search for colony of. 59- 
109; rumors of in Nueva Vizcaya, 96, 97, 99; ships of found in San 
Bernardo Bay, 77; fort of discovered by Leon, 103. 

Leon, Alonso de, discovers salines on Gulf coast, 68; chosen to lead 
expeditions from Nuevo Leon in search of French, 69; first two expedi- 
tions of, 69-70; founds town of Monclova, 85; captures Frenchman in 
Texas, 1688, 86; expedition to Texas, 1689, 101-108; reports on Texas 
Indians. 110; recommends military policy for Texas missions, 113; 
sincerity of motives of questioned, 117; reports new French invasion 
in Texas, 118; second expedition to Texas, 1690, 120-125; death of, 129. 
Llanos, Francisco de, naval captain, leader of expedition to San 

Bernardo Bay, 126. 
Lopez, Fray Nicolas, plans for Jumano country, 67. 
Louisiana, French colonization of, 189-191; French diplomacy concern- 
ing, 206; Spanish attitude toward French colonization of, 207-215. 
Louis XIV. See French. 
Maps, 11, 33, 44, 60, 163. 



234 Index 

Martinez, Francisco, accompanies Leon's expedition to Texas, 1689, 108; 
on Teran expedition, 1691, 132, 133, 137; appointed sergeant-major of 
Pensacola. 179; services at Pensacola, 185, 186, 191, 197, 200, 202, 214. 

Massanet, Fray Damian, father of Texas missions, accompanies Leon 
expedition of 1689, 101, 103, 106; offers to work aiBong the Texas, 111; 
urges conversion of Texas, 112; suggests colonization plan for Texas, 
128; praised by Leon, 114; denounces Leon, 117; goes to Mexico to 
promote Texas missions, 118; appointed commissary of Texas missions, 
120; returns to Texas with Leon, 1690, founds Mission San Francisco 
de Texas, 120-122; suggests plan for colonization of Texas, 128; with 
Teran expedition of 1691, 130; quarrel with Teran, 136; minister in 
Mission San Francisco, 137; maKes unfavorable report on Texas 
missions, 141; abandons mission, 143. 

Matagorda Bay. See San Bernardo Bay. 

Maupate fliver. See Palmas, Rio de. 

Mendiondo, Martin de, makes expedition to Texas, 87; trip to Mexico, 90. 

Mescal Indian, messenger to Texas, 114, 116, 118. 

Meusnier, Pierre, survivor of La Salle's colony, 122, 124, 12.5. 

Miculasa, Indian town in Florida, 72, 73. 

Missions, of La Junta, 67, 95, 96, 99; establishment of in Texas author- 
ized, 110-114; first mission in Texas, 1690, 112; eight new missions 
for Texas authorized, 1691, 130; founding of Mission SantTsimo 
Nombre de Jesus, in Texas, 1691, 134; abandonment of Texas missions, 
138-145; missions recommended for Pensacola, 150; priests for missions 
of Pensacola, 179. 

Mississippi River. See Palizada, Rio de la. 

Mobile Bay, identified as Espiritu Santo Bay, 78; exploration of, 61, 74, 
77, 80, 83, 162, 170; French fleet at, 190, 197; visited by Arriola, 204; 
occupation by French reported, 1702, 214. 

Mobile Indians, 61, 73, 74. 

Moctezuma, Count of. See Sarmiento, Jose de. 

Monclova, Count of, viceroy of New Spain; appointnient, 42; arrival in 
New Spain, 75; authorizes expeditions in search of French, 76; re- 
ports results of second maritime expedition, 79; sends new expedition 
to Texas, 92; promotion to Peru, 95. 

Mother Maria de Jesus de Agreda, abbess of convent in Spain, legend of 
miraculous journeys to America, 106-107. 

Munibe, Andres de, governor of Havana, 59, 81. 

Navarro, Antonio, admiral of fleet from Spain, 76, 80, 81. 

New Mexico, Indian revolt in, 1680, 67; aid from for Pensacola, 210. 

Nuevo Leon, expeditions from, 66, 68, 70. 

Nueva Montana de Santander y Santillana, name given by Teran to 
Texas, 1691, 134. 

Nueva Vizcaya, expedition from in search of French, 95-100; aid from 
for Leon expeditions, 100, 120. 



Spanish <nid French. Kivalrjj in Gulf Ixcgion 2:35 

Ochoa y Zarate, Andres de, admiral of armada dc barlovcnto. death of, 
40. 

Palacios, Gaspar de, Spanish pilot and admiral, pursued by corsairs, 36; 
sketch of life, 38; directing spirit in early search for La Salle's colony, 
38, 60, 65; returns to Spain, 1686, 65. 

Palizada, Rio de la (Mississippi), discovered and named, 62; attempted 
explorations of, 77, S3, 137, 162; French designs on, 183. 

Palmas, Rio de, river north of Tampico, 94. 

Panzacola Indians, visited by Spaniards, 61; missions suggested for, 
1690, 150; village found deserted, 170; report English settlement on 
Gulf coast, 199. 

Pardiiias Villar de Francos, Juan Isidro, governor of Nueva Vizcaya, 
sends expedition to search for French, 97. 

Penalosa, Diego de, sketch of life, 13; intrigues in England, 14; activities 
of in France reported in Spain, 14; attitude of Council of Indies to- 
ward, 15-16; renewal of schemes reported from England, 18; royal 
ccdtila issued against, 16, 29; designs against Nueva Vizcaya, 32; 
thought to be responsible for La Salle's colony, 63; viceroy warned 
against, 67. 

Pensacola Bay, rediscovery of, 1686, 61; ignored by second maritime 
expedition, 78; Pez attempts to enter it, 1687, 80; connection of with 
Texas, 141-142; Pez proposes occupation of, 1689, 147-149; opposition 
to project in Spain, 152-155; king orders exploration of, 1692, 156; 
Pez-Sigiienza expedition to, 1693, 158-162; exploration of by Torres, 
1693, 170; royal order for occupation of, June 13, 1694; 171; delay in 
execution of order, 172; renewed order for occupation of, April 19, 
1698, 173;' three plans devised for occupation of, 175; measures in New 
Spain, 176-180; occupation of by Arriola, 180-184; arrival of French 
squadron at, 1699, 185; council of war at, 191; deplorable condition of 
fort at, 199; influence of Darien expedition upon, 191-195; English 
settlement reported near, 197, 201, 202; expedition from against 
"English", 204-205; abandonment of asked by Arriola and Franck, 205; 
French ask to be given possession of, 206-207; Junta de Guerra recom- 
mends maintenance of fortifications at, 1701, 207. 

Petit Gouave, French settlement in Santo Domingo, 32, 37, 81, 194. 

Pez, Andres de, on third maritime expedition, 80; on fourth maritime 
expedition, 83-84; on fifth maritime expedition, 92-94; sketch of life, 
146-147; presents memorial asking for occupation of Pensacola Bay, 
1689, 147; mission to Spain, 1689, 149; appointed to explore Pensacola 
Bay, 1693, 158-162; recommends occupation of Pensacola, 164, 167; 
second trip to Spain to promote project, 1693, 169; suspended for 
alleged neglect of duty, 175; charges made against by Sigiienza, 1698, 
177. 
Policy, Spanish foreign policy, 54, 207-211; policy toward Indians. 73, 98, 
113, 114, 116, 130, 141, 153; religious policy, 110, 111, 113, 150, 153; 
colonization policy, 179. 



236 • Index 

Portocarrero, Gaspar, member of Council of Indies, supports Pensacola 

project, 152. 
Posadas, Fray Alonso de, memorial of, 63-64. 
Quems, Indian guide in Texas, 102, 121. 
Quen-Coquio, name of Indian guide in Texas, 102, 121. 
Quivira, Gran Reino de, Pefialosa's proposed conquest of, 14; description 

of, 15; exploration of proposed, 67. 
Ramon, Diego, governor ad interim of Coahuila, 139. 
Ratisbon, truce of, 20, 41. / 

Realcs ccclulas, Dec. 10, 1678, 16; Aug. 2, 1685, 63; June 26, 1692, 157; 

June 13, 1694, 171; April 19, 1698, 173. 
Red River, exploration by Terdn, 135. 
Relator, reporter of Council of Indies, 41. 
Retana, Juan de, captain of presidio of Conchos, makes expedition in 

search of the French, 97^-100. 
Rio Grande, explored by Rivas and Pez, 1688, 94. 
Rivas, Martin de, naval captain, on second maritime expedition, 76; 

leader of fifth maritime expedition, 92-94. 
Romero, Antonio, pilot, on first maritime expedition, 40, 59; on second 

maritime expedition, 75, 76. 
Ronquillo, Pedro, Spanish ambassador to England, 18; diplomacy in 

England to counteract designs of French, 48-58; sends relation of La 

Salle's voyage to Mexico, 79. 
Sabeata. See Xaviata. 

Saint Augustine (San Agustin), attack upon by pirates, 70; abandon- 
ment of urged by Pez, 148; importance of stressed, 150, 152, 157. 
Saint George (Carolina), Spanish attack on, 1670, 21; French colonists 

for reported, 22; insignificance of claimed by Consulado of Seville, 24; 

intrusions of colonists of, 71; Spanish ideas of, 210, 212. 
Saint Jean, French town supposed to exist near Gulf coast, 81, 82, 83. 
Salinas Varona, Gregorio de, accompanies Leon's second expedition to 

Texas, 1690, 121; returns to Mexico with French children rescued in 

Texas, 124; makes voyage to San Bernardo Bay, 1690, 126; appointed 

governor of Coahuila, 1693, 139; leads relief expedition to Texas, 1693, 

139-141. 
Salines, 66, 68. 
San Antonio de Padua, name applied to present city of San Antonio, 

Texas, 132. See Yanaguana. 
San Bernardq.Bay, named, 77; wrecks of La Salle's ships found at, 77; 

explored, 80, 94, 126; called "Espfritu Santo" by Leon, 105; Massanet 

suggests occupation of, 128. 
San Carlos de Austria, name of presidio at Penascola Bay, built 1698, 

181, 185. 
San Francisco de Texas, first mission in Texas, 1690, 122; abandoned, 

1693, 143. 
San Salvador, mission in Coahuila, 121. 



SjyanisJi and French Bivalry in Gulf Begion 237 

Santa Catalina, island in Florida, 21, 24, 27. 

Santa Cruz de Queretaro, College of, 112, 114. 

Santa Maria de Galve, named applied to Pensacola Bay in 1693, 159. 
See Pensacola. 

Santisimo Nombre de Maria, second mission founded in Texas, 134, 
destroyed, 1692, 140. 

Santo Domingo, stepping stone for French conquests, 10, 190; Peiialosa's 
supposed conquest of, 13, French policy toward, 41; Flemish families 
for, 211. 

Sarmiento, .Jose (Count of Moctezuma), viceroy of New Spain, 174; 
measures taken by for occupation of Pensacola Bay, 176, 180; post- 
pones aid for Pensacola in order to dislodge Scotch from Darien, 193; 
advises maintenance of Pensacola, 201; sends expedition to expel 
English from Gulf coast, 202. 

Scotch colony. See Darien. 

Sigiienza y Gongora, Dr. Carlos de, makes exploration of Pensacola Bay, 
1693, 158-162; draws map of Pensacola, 160; recommends occupation 
of Pensacola Bay, 165; reports on measures necessary for occupation, 
1698, 177; quarrel with Arriola, 195; reports lack of danger from 
rumors concerning English, 201; death of, 195. 

Sigiienza, Punta de, promontory at entrance to Pensacola Bay, 160, 162, 
181. 

Solis y Miranda, Martin de, fiscal of Council of Indies,, 150; member of 
.Council, 212; views on Louisiana and Pensacola, 212. 

Tabasa, tribe in Florida, 72. 

Tagago (Teguayo), Peiialosa's plan for conquest of, 14; Council of 
Indies not concerned for safety of, 15; mentioned in Posadas Me- 
morial, 63. 

Tampico, 76, 80, 93. 

Taxation in New Spain, 209, 212. 

Teran de los Rios, Domingo, governor of Texas, 130; instructions to, 130- 
130-131; expedition to Texas, 1691-1692, 132-138; return to Mexico, 137. 

Texas, described in Posadas Memorial, 1686, 64; movement for occupa- 
tion of begun, 66; exploration of proposed by Dominguez, 67; com- 
munication with from Nueva Vizcaya, 95; Leon's first expedition to, 

1689, 101-108; plans for establishment of missions in, 110-114; mis- 
sions authorized, 114; new French intrusions reported in, 114; Tonty's 
expedition to, 117, 123; Leon's second expedition to, 169, 120-125; 
Texas recognized as a barrier region, 120; founding of first mission, 

1690, 122; new mission plans for, 1690^^25-130; appointment of Teran 
as governor, 130; Teran's expedition to, 1691-1692, 131-138; named 
"Nueva Montaiia de Sanlander y Santillana," 134; meaning of word 
"Texas," 134; hardships of missionaries in, 139; relief expedition sent 
to from Coahuila, 139-141; abandonment of, 1693, 138-145; indifference 
of home government to, 145. 



238 Index 

Texas Indians, early mention, 64; identified as "Titlas." 106; chief of, 
106; religion of, 106; special privileges recommended for, 151. See 
Texas. 

Thomas, Denis, French boy who revealed news of La Salle colony, 36, 37. 

Tiquipache, Indian district in Florida, 73. 

Titlas, tribe mentioned by Mother Maria de .Tesiis, identified as Texas, 
106. 

Tlaxaltecans, Indians in Coaliuila, 8.5, 86, 101. 

Tobosos, tribe in Coahuila, 85. 

Tonty, Henri, 117, 123. 

Torres y Ayala, Laureano de, governor of Florida, exploration of Pen- 
sacola region, 1693, 169-170. 

Tortuga, governor of, advises conquest of Florida, 21. 

Trade, Spanish colonial, 23, 24, 25, 41, 46, 148, 154. 

Treaties, England and Spain, 1670, 8, 54; Nimwegen, 1678, 13; Ratis- 
bon, 1684, 20, 41; commercial treaty between England and France 
opposed by Spain, 49, 51, 54, 55, 56; Ryswick, 1698, 173, 189. 

Trinity River of Texas, 122. 

United States, present region of, Spanish attitude toward, 10, 12; re- 
awakening of Spanish interest in, 16. Sec Florida, Texas, Palizada, 
Expeditions, Pensacola. 

Urrutia, Joseph de, deserter in Texas, 1693, 143. 

Virginia. English encroachments from, 15. 

West Indies, Spanish attitude toward, contrasted with that toward 
United States, 10-12; French policy in, 9, 13, 17, 41, 50. 

Wilkinson, Ralph, English pirate, 81, 82, 83, 84. 

Xaviata, Juan, Jumano chief in Texas, 96. 99, 133. 

Xeble, alleged birthplace of Jean Gery in France, 90, 91. 

Yanaguana, Indian name for San Antonio, Texas, 132. 

Zavala, Martin de Aranguren, commander of squadron sent from Spain 
to occupy Pensacola, 174; arrival at Havana, 180; continues voyage 
to Vera Cruz, 181; ordered to aid in expulsion of Scotch from Darien, 
192, 194; unauthorized return to Spain, 194; injurious effect of diso- 
bedience of, on Pensacola, 202. 



VITA. 

William Edward Dunn was born in Sulphur Springs. Texas, on 
March 2, 1888. He attended the public schools of Sulphur Springs 
and Austin, and entered the University of Texas in October, 1905, re- 
ceiving the B. A. degree in 1909. For the following two years he was 
a graduate student at Leland Stanford, Junior, University, and re- 
ceived the M. A. degree from that institution in 1910. He was awarded 
a University fellowship at Columbia University in 1911, and was in 
residence there for two years. In April, 1913, he passed his preliminary 
examination on subjects for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 
Shortly afterwards he was appointed instructor in Latin-American 
History at the University of Texas, which position he has held up to 
the present time. 

While a student at the University of Texas and at that of Leland 
Stanford, he supervised the making of trangcripts on the history of 
the Southwest in Mexican archives, making eight different trips to 
Mexico for that purpose, and spending more than two years in the 
v/ork. In the summer of 1914 he went to Spain as the representative 
of the University of Texas and the Library of Congress to secure 
historical material in Spanish archives relating to the United States. 
He was given a leave of absence during the session of 1915-1916 in order 
to continue this work, and it is still being carried on under his 
supervision. 

He has published the following monographs: "Apache Relations in 
Texas, 1718-1750" (in the Texas State Historical Quarterly. XIV, pp. 
198-274): "Missionary Activities Among the Eastern Apache" (ibid.. 
XV. pp. 186-200); "The Apache Mission on the San Saba River: Its 
Founding and Failure" (Southvestern Historical Quarterly. XVII, pp. 
379-414); "Spanish Reaction Against the French Advance Toward New 
Mexico, 1717-1727" {Mississippi Valley Historical Reviexv. II, pp. 348- 
362); "The Spanish Search for La Salle's Colony on the Bay of 
Esplritu Santo, 1685-1689" {Southwestern Historical Quarterly. XIX 
pp. 32.''.-269). 



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